Arctic sea ice is melting, slowly but inexorably. As the ice disappears, mankind will be afforded access to regions and activities, including commercial fishing, that have been inaccessible for our entire recorded history. There is currently no regulatory body or mechanism in the high seas Arctic (also referred to as the central Arctic Ocean) to conserve and manage fish stocks, the distribution and concentration of which are poorly understood, and that might be the target of commercial fisheries. This article examines the extent and nature of ice recession in the Arctic, and its likely effect on the accessibility of central Arctic ocean fisheries to commercial exploitation. It then discusses what is known of Arctic fish stocks, both those already extant, and those that might become established or enhanced as a result of changing environmental conditions. It examines international regimes for managing fish stocks that exist either in whole or in part in global maritime commons, and existing fisheries governance mechanisms in the Arctic, and finds them to be lacking. Finally, using the Bering Sea Arctic pollock stock collapse case study as a historical analogue, this article contends that the time is now for putting in place a regional fisheries management organisation to manage and conserve central Arctic Ocean fish stocks.

During the last decades the Arctic has become more central on the world stage. However, despite increased interest how much do people really know about ‘the north’ and the ‘northern people’? The aim of this article is to chronicle a research project by students, who saw themselves as northerners, that used video to capture northerners’ definitions of the north, as well as asking the community about what they wanted newcomers and southern Canada to know about the north. The group also embarked on a new discipline of northerners studying ‘the south’. 43 students interviewed 95 people in the Beaufort Delta, Northwest Territories and 25 people in Edmonton, Alberta. The student researchers’ responses and that of their interviewees are some of the most direct messages on how northerners view their identity and that of their fellow southern Canadians. This project created a video tool to share, educate, and commence a dialogue between people about the north straight from the source.

Of all the high latitude theatres of naval operations in World War II. the Kara Sea theatre represents one of the most interesting, yet one of the least known. Hostilities in the Kara Sea were based on the belief held by German Naval Command that the Northern Sea Route was being utilized for the movement of Lend-Lease materials from the Pacific coasts of Canada and the USA to the Russian front (Armstrong 1953:823, 1955:141; Huan 1958:156; Mineyev 1964:39). German attempts to disrupt these alleged movements were limited almost entirely to naval operations; the Luftwaffe played little part, since even the south-western approaches to the Kara Sea were out of reach of aircraft based in northern Norway (Huan 1958:156). Most of the activity involved U-boat attacks on shipping and on coastal sites, but on one occasion a German surface vessel, the heavy cruiser Admiral Scheer was involved.

During the summer of 1956 W. W. Phipps flew a Piper Super-Cub aircraft solo from Pelley Lake to Eureka, and there carried out a series of local flights in Ellesmere Island on behalf of the National Film Board of Canada. The aircraft was equipped with standard tandem wheel undercarriage. Carrying one passenger, Phipps landed at Fort Conger, Alert and Cape Columbia. The round trip from Pelley Lake took 11 days covering a distance of 4500 miles in fifty flying hours.

On 25 July 1958 the writer left Ottawa with a float-equipped Piper Super-Cub to fly to Eureka. Overnight stops were made at Moose Factory, Severn, Churchill (two nights on account of low cloud), an unnamed lake 50 miles short of Baker Lake, Baker Lake itself (because of strong N.W. winds), an unnamed pond 10 miles south-west of Bellot Strait, and at Resolute.

The Arctic pole of inaccessibility (API), defined as the point on the Arctic Ocean that is farthest from any land, is commonly asserted to lie at 84° 03′ N, 174° 51′ W. We show that the true position is 85° 48′ N, 176° 09′ E, over 200 km from the traditional location. The reason for this error is unknown.

This note draws attention to the fact the formal motion presented at the first International Geophysical Year (IGY) Antarctic Conference, recommending that the aims of the conference were exclusively scientific was proposed by the Chilean delegation.

As a result of new provisions in the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty a number of countries are reviewing the management plans for protected areas in Antarctica. The United States and New Zealand have initiated a review of the 15 existing sites in the Ross Sea region, using an independent party, the International Centre for Antarctic Information and Research, to facilitate and coordinate the process. Management provisions are being revised to comply with the Protocol, and improved maps for the sites are being prepared using Geographical Information Systems. Visits in 1993/94 gathered field information, and thus far two sites have had new plans drafted: these are proceeding through the international review process. Input and comment is invited from interested parties with experience in these areas.

The Polar Record, No. 22, July 1941

Page 430, line 11. For Long. 180° 25′ W. read Long. 108° 25′ W.

This article presents the US role in the formation of the Antarctic Treaty of 1959 in relation to the era's anti-nuclear movement. The purpose is two-fold: to highlight the strategic orientation of US Antarctic policy, suggesting that it was less enlightened than it is frequently portrayed; and to highlight the influence of the anti-nuclear movement upon the treaty's inclusion of a test ban which the United States initially opposed, hoping to reserve the right to conduct nuclear tests. The treaty is depicted as a particular generalisation: one aspect of the cold war that gains significance when scrutinised in relation to another that is much better-known.

Through the 1950s and 1960s there was a marked increase in recorded numbers of polar bears being killed for their hides, giving rise to world-wide concern that the species might be endangered. At a meeting in Fairbanks, Alaska 1965, representatives of circumpolar arctic nations discussed conservation of polar bears and concluded that international coordination of research and management efforts was essential. Subsequent meetings of scientists engaged in polar bear research were organized every two years by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, facilitating exchanges of views and cooperation; as a result, in 1973 the International Agreement on the Conservation of Polar Bears and their Habitats was signed in Oslo, Norway. This paper describes some of the research and management undertaken in the years leading up to the agreement, and initiatives that are continuing because of it.

This paper describes an improved nomogram (a graphical device avoiding the need for calculation) for estimating wind-chill and assessing the danger of frostbite. The nomogram incorporates recent theoretical work on the rate of heat loss from a clothedperson in cold or windy conditions.

The first reindeer were introduced into Canada for humanitarian rather than commercial reasons. Encouraged by the success achieved in Alaska, where 1280 reindeer imported by Dr Sheldon Jackson from Siberia between 1892 and 1902 had increased in a few years to several times that number, the missionary physician of Labrador, Wilfred Grenfell, hoped to develop a reindeer meat-and-dairy industry in his region, where tuberculosis was common and infant mortality high. In 1908, with financial support from the Boston Transcript and the Canadian Department of Agriculture, he bought 300 reindeer in Norway and brought them to St Anthony, Newfoundland. Under the supervision of four Lapp herders, the animals quickly adjusted to their new environment

The Arctic Institute of North America was established in 1945 in two small rooms in McGill University, with a staff consisting of Dr Lincoln Washburn and a secretary, who made up for the lack of equipment and facilities by abundant energy and enthusiasm. Since then the Institute's growth has been considerable, always in the direction of its three main objectives—to form a centre for reference information and study on the North American Arctic, to encourage arctic scientific research in any field, and to disseminate arctic information by means of a journal, other publications, and lectures.

In the autumn of 1852, convinced that a successful search for her husband's missing expedition via Bering Strait could only be guaranteed by using a steam vessel, Jane, Lady Franklin, decided to dispatch such a vessel herself (this was the third such expedition she mounted). Her choice of vessel fell on the screw schooner Isabel, which Captain E.A. Inglefield had just brought back from his search of Smith Sound and Jones Sound. The captain she selected was William Kennedy, who, with Enseigne-de-vaisseau Joseph-René Bellot as second-in-command, had just returned from an expedition to the eastern Arctic in Prince Albert. After a few brief months of hectic preparations, in which Lady Franklin and her niece Sophia Cracroft played an unusually active role, Isabel sailed from the Thames on 1 April 1853, bound for Bering Strait via the Strait of Magellan. Despite warnings not to do so (largely due to the danger of losing his crew to the lure of the Californian and Australian gold rushes), Kennedy put into Valparaiso on 26 August 1853. Almost all his officers and crew jumped ship. After more than two years of frustration, during which he generated some revenue by several coastal voyages off Chile, at Lady Franklin's request Kennedy brought Isabel back to England in early December 1855. Isabel was found to have dry rot and was sold. Kennedy fell out with Lady Franklin and did not participate in any further Arctic searches.