The “Address of the Soul to Its Body” usually referred to as The Worcester Fragments, although it is one of the few known examples of twelfth-century English verse, has almost always been discussed simply as a minor part of the cosmopolitan Body and Soul literature. In spite of Chambers' warning that all evidence about English literature immediately before and after the Norman Conquest is especially precious, it seems not to have been pointed out that this poem is also the central point in a series of documents in English which shows a direct line of influence extending from before the Conquest into the lyric poetry of the thirteenth century.

It is well known that stressed post-vocalic [r] has been lost in many dialects of Modern English. Besides this recent loss historians of English have recognized that some [r]s in stressed syllables were lost at an earlier date.

In an edition of a portion of Codex Alcobacensis 200 [ff. 195 Ro. to 219 Vo.] it was pointed out that the codex, no part of which had been edited before, is one of the oldest Portuguese manuscripts in the Alcobaça collection. It is described in part by Anselmo as follows: “Pergaminho.—277×204—[222 fl.];. . . recl. no firn de cada cad. de 10 fl.—leira gótica do séc. XV.—rubr.; iniciais a verm. e azul, filigranadas.” Burnam ascribes it to the fourteenth century and describes it as follows:

Ce ms. consiste en 212 ff. de parchemin, plus un f. de papier préliminaire, où se trouve le titre de l'ouvrage. L'écriture est à longues lignes, avec fleurons, lettres initiales rouges et bleues en alternative; le ms. est sans traits d'union ni titre courant. Presque tous les cahiers contiennent dix ff.; une fois il y en a six, deux fois huit, tous fournis de réclames, sauf le dernier.

It has been amply demonstrated by students of Sir David Lindsay's Satire of the Three Estates that there were performances of the play in 1540, 1552, and 1554, and that the Three Estates as now extant in the quarto of 1602 and George Bannatyne's manuscript of 1568 represents a revision made subsequently to the year 1550. The normal view would be that Bannatyne's version derives from the manuscript later used for the edition of 1602; but Mr. Douglas Hamer, Lindsay's most recent editor, argues that the Bannatyne copy was made from a version of the Three Estates earlier than that used for the quarto of 1602.

Before the theory that early English humanism suffered an arrest at the death of More and Fisher hardens into dogma, it may be well to draw attention to the importance of a small group of English scholars who under the patronage of Henry VIII and Cromwell pursued classical studies in the household of Reginald Pole in Italy during the second decade of the sixteenth century, and who later put their learning to use in the king's service in England. One of that group, Richard Morison, deserves more than the scanty notice he has heretofore received. Drafted at a critical moment after the outbreak of the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, he was advanced literally overnight to a position of strategic importance as official propagandist against the rebels. The four tracts which he wrote in 1536 and 1539 in support of the government's action, together with his unpublished writings, constitute the largest single body of evidence, though by no means the only evidence, for the persistence of the humanistic tradition in the period immediately after More's death. Moreover, they reveal a hitherto unsuspected acquaintance with the political works of Machiavelli, whose influence in Cromwellian political policy has recently been denied. The present description of the literary career of Morison is therefore of importance for its bearing on the history both of humanism and of political ideas in early Tudor England.

The purpose of this study is to point out Racine's extensive use of peripeteia and recognition in the construction of his plots. That he relied on these two dramatic resources, which Aristotle considered “the most powerful elements of emotional interest in Tragedy,” is hinted at in Lanson's Esquisse d'une histoire de la tragédie française.

Henry Fielding's early writing has been considered mere farce, commercial “theatre,” which has no intrinsic relation to his later ethical work. A reëxamination of his plays indicates, however, that they have a basic seriousness which in many respects anticipates his great novels. For the present I confine my discussion to Fielding's second play, The Temple Beau (1730). Though in general The Temple Beau is conventional in satire and derives from the tradition and practice of the comedy of manners, the play contains at least one important anticipation of the mature work of Fielding, his initial endeavor to find and to use a symbol which has the power to express his attitude toward life.

Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung beruhen auf Analysen der acht wichtigeren Novellen Goethes. Zur Darstellung der Methode bringen wir aber hier nur drei davon in vollständiger Ausführung, indem wir uns für das Uebrige auf allgemeine fachmännische Vertrautheit mit einem wohlbekannten Stoffe verlassen zu können glauben. Das Netz eines Spannungsgefüges wird durch so viele sich durchkreuzende Momente bedingt, dass eine gleichzeitige, allumfassende Interpretation nicht leicht möglich ist. Einen nach dieser Richtung zielenden Vorschlag findet man in einem Artikel: “Zur Charakterologie des Kunstwerks,” wo Hermann Nohl erst nach Feststellung der Spannungsschichten des Kunstwerks, den Grundentscheidungen des menschlichen Charakters gemäss, “die Form der Werke bis in den äusseren Aufbau, ja bis in Klang und Rhythmus der einzelnen Sätze aus ihnen” interpretieren möchte. Für das Material dieser Untersuchung ist das Charakterologische kein unwesentlicher Massstab, aber, um eine zu starke Betonung des Wertproblems zu vermeiden, ziehen wir es vor, von dem Spannungsgegenstand selbst auszugehen, und betrachten zuerst im Nacheinander der Dichtung die stofflichen und gehaltlichen Momente und deren augenblickliche Wirkung auf Wissens- und Gefühlsspannung des Lesers. An dieser letzten, subjektiven Spannungsart bestimmte Intensitätsgrade aufzustellen, wäre eine undankbare, weil belanglose Aufgabe. Wie verschieden auch die Aufnahme des einzelnen Kunstwerks sein mag, der Aufbau des objektiven Werkes bleibt immer derselbe, und in den Erlebnissen der einzelnen Betrachter liegt ein “Gemeinsames: die von dem Kunstwerk gegebenen Vorstellungen,” was bei einer Untersuchung wie dieser den Anspruch auf Allgemeingültigkeit zu rechtfertigen scheint.

Mary hays was one of that remarkable coterie of women, including Mary Wollstonecraft, Amelia Alderson, Mrs. Reveley, Mrs. Fenwick, and Mrs. Inchbald, who afforded William Godwin a sort of philosophic seraglio. Little is known of her life: no biographical sketch of her exists. As the information left by others is sparse, we must depend much upon her supposedly autobiographical novel, Memoirs of Emma Courtney. She lived to be eighty-three, but the last forty years of her life are without a record. Soon after the decade of the French Revolution she became enveloped in an obscurity which has never lifted. Once the immediate revolutionary impulse had spent itself, she seems to have written nothing more. But in the revival of the fame of Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft, to both of whom she was as faithful as their shadows, she perhaps deserves more attention than she has received. In her blind discipleship she innocently reduced many of Godwin's philosophical maxims to absurdities. She thus made herself the laughing-stock of those conservatives whose sympathies were narrowed by mere respectability as well as of certain liberals whose convictions did not give them such reckless courage.

Die besondere Eigenart von Gottfried Kellers Erzählungskunst ist die Bildlichkeit und die dadurch bedingte Anschaulichkeit seiner Sprache. Wir finden in seiner Sprache alles, vom einfachen Wortvergleich, wie er uns häufig in der Umgangssprache entgegentritt, bis zum weitausgesponnenen ungewöhnlichen Gleichnis. Das alltägliche stereotype Bild wechselt mit dem eigenartigsten und phantasievollsten, dem derben naturalistischen Vergleich folgt ein feiner poetischer, dem malerisch farbigen ein gehaltvoll symbolischer. Selbst der flüchtige Leser wird immer wieder von der Wahrheit oder Schönheit eines Bildes angezogen oder von der Treffsicherheit eines Vergleiches überrascht. So hat man sich daran gewöhnt, wenn man von Keller spricht, auch seine “sprechenden Bilder” und “schlagenden Vergleiche” zu erwähnen, wie es bereits A. Frey in seinen “Erinnerungen an Gottfried Keller” tut. Erstaunlicherweise hat sich die literarhistorische Forschung bis jetzt damit begnügt, die Metamorphose des Begrifflichen zum Gegenständlichen in Kellers Schaffen zu betonen und allgemein auf die verblüffende Anschaulichkeit und Kühnheit seiner Vergleiche, sowie auf deren symbolischen und weltanschaulichen Gehalt hinzuweisen. Es sei nun hier der Versuch gemacht, auf diese charakteristische Seite des Kellerschen Stils näher einzugehen.

It is easy to overlook the comic as a major aspect of Flaubert's novels. A reader may well find that the impression they leave with him is one of tragedy and human frustration, transfigured by an amazingly unfaltering perception of the visual universe, made significant by psychological and philosophical penetration, and conveyed in a style of beauty and finality. Irony is unescapable, but the definitely comic may seem secondary. Some will continue to find this so as their familiarity with Flaubert increases, the more readily in that the conflicting sensations he evokes can be ascribed to his fondness for le grotesque triste. Other readers, however, become aware of a pervasive and profound sense of the comic, of which the grotesque triste is perhaps the climactic manifestation but far from the only one. Whereas most comedy attains its maximum effect at first presentation, Flaubert's depends rather on the thorough acquaintance of the reader with all the details and implications of the material. So closely is it knit to other elements that we often first realize its existence only when the attention we had originally given to the beauty or poignancy of a passage relaxes, permitting a fresh emphasis and a more detached viewpoint. Yet this new comic vision rather reinforces than destroys our original emotions. It is only on the greatest levels of literature that we find this intimate association of comedy with tragedy, and seldom are they as fundamentally united as in Flaubert.

The rebirth of the Spanish novel in the nineteenth century is commonly identified with Galdós, Valera, Alarcón, and Pereda in the decade 1870–80, while the costumbristas and Fernán Caballero are looked upon as precursors of this rebirth. The purpose of the present study is to present, for some four or five decades and with attention to the novel, a prominent phase of critical tastes in Spain. Some critics looked upon the renaissance of the Spanish novel as fortunately having taken place in the novel which gave emphasis to ideas, or, as they were wont to describe it, the “philosophical” or “transcendental” novel. But the Spanish terms filosofía, trascendencia, and even trascendentalismo were very loosely used. Thus, the novel which dealt with ideas of social, moral, religious, or political significance was commonly called filosófica and trascendental, especially in the 1870's: The novel of thesis, sometimes called novela tendenciosa, was a notable manifestation of this type of “philosophical” novel. The importance attached by critics at this time to ideas of trascendencia in the novel was for the most part in keeping with the critical tastes of the preceding decades; certain novels of Galdós, Valera, Alarcón, and Pereda, praised by contemporary critics for their trascendencia, seemingly were the fulfillment of an aspiration on the part of earlier critics that the novel treat of important ideas underlying society. On the other hand, the attitude toward the propagation of ideas shows a marked change in its development. In this survey of critical writings on the novel, I shall attempt to present a consensus of views on the novel which stressed ideas, to show how the common attitude developed. Much of the criticism under consideration is of little intrinsic value; it is often influenced by religious and political prejudices and shows a level of mediocrity in critical thought, particularly for the reign of Isabel II. But, considered as a whole, it reveals common traits indicative of a trend in literary tastes,—a trend which becomes of interest when viewed in the light of certain tendencies in the novel.

In 1896 Enrico Thovez, in an essay on L'arte del comporre di Gabriele d'Annunzio, made an open accusation of plagiarism, and supported it by pointing out numerous parallels between d'Annunzio's work and passages from Flaubert, Baudelaire, Maeterlinck, Verlaine, Shelley, and Whitman. Croce undertook d'Annunzio's defense, and Thovez, in a reply to Croce, became so satirical as to remark: “Mi vien da pensare al propositio di un amico mio, il quale afferma burlescamente di voler dare un' edizione delle opere del d'Annunzio ‘col testo a fronte’.” In the same essay he adds Tommasseo and Maupassant to the list of creditors.

Wie Stehr aus dem schlesischen Heimatdichter ein Künder der deutschen Seele und einer der grössten deutschen Erzähler der Gegenwart geworden ist, haben gerade in den letzten fünf Jahren die Monographien von Werner Milch, Hermann Boeschenstein und Emil Freitag, sowie die zusammenfassenden Aufsätze von Heinz Kindermann R. Petsch und E. Alker zu zeigen versucht. Das Geheimnis des Zaubers, den Stehr auf den feinfühligen Leser ausübt, liegt in der Meisterschaft, mit der er gelernt hat, eine Welt zartester und tiefster Seelenregungen einzubetten in eine äussere erdenhafte Wirklichkeit, die unsere Sinne unmittelbar packt. In dieser Stehrschen Welt werden wir hellsichtiger und hellhöriger. Hinter dem Schleier der physischen Wirklichkeit tritt das Seelenhafte und Uebersinnliche greifbar an uns heran. In den verschiedenen Schaffensperioden des Dichters treten die einzelnen Sinne nicht immer mit gleicher Stärke hervor. Es ist von besonderem Reiz, nachzuerleben, wie eben zu einer Zeit, in der sich bei Stehr ein Gehörleiden entwickelt, die Tonwelt in seinen Werken lebendiger wird und der Gehörsinn zuweilen geradezu eine zentrale Stelle unter den Sinnen einnimmt. Wir denken an die Zeit von 1911 bis 1931, in der seine besten Werke, die Märchen und Romane mit legendenhaftem Einschlag, erschienen sind. Es ist die Zeit von Stehrs religiösem Finden, in der er der alten deutschen Mystik so nahe kommt, die romantische, dionysische Epoche, im Gegensatz zu Stehrs Altersperiode, die wieder mehr apollinisch eingestellt ist.

Nous ne nous occuperons, dans cet article, que des groupes intervocaliques de deux consonnes (exemple: aspect).

La structure syllabique n'est pas quelque chose d'absolument fixe en franjais, dit M. Gougenheim en se plaant du point de vue phonologique. Il va de soi que ce manque de fixit s'attribue aussi bien la coupe syllabique. On ne s'tonnera done pas de ce que les traits qui ont affaire avec la description phontique du franais vitent parfois ce sujet et que ceux qui en parlent soient rarement d'accord. Nous n'avons pas la prtention de trancher dfinitivement la question mais simplement d'tablir les tendances les plus apparentes de coupe syllabique en franais moderne. Dans ce but, nous avons relev des exemples de tous les groupes intervocaliques de deux consonnes qui peuvent se trouver dans la langue franjaise et nous les avons assembls dans le tableau I qui suit.