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The Judgment of Paris in the Seege of Troye

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

E. Bagby Atwood*
Affiliation:
University of Texas

Extract

The present essay embodies a continuation of some previously published studies of the Middle English Seege (or Batayle) of Troye; it is therefore hardly necessary or advisable to present here a full summary of the large body of scholarly comment which this poem has aroused. Briefly, it has been established that the Seege of Troye is dependent on two principal sources: De Excidio Troiae of Dares Phrygius and the Roman de Troie of Benoit de Sainte-Maure; and that details from these two accounts are pretty thoroughly blended together in the English poem. There have been noted, however, a number of episodes—mostly concerned with the early lives of Paris and Achilles—which are not traceable either to Dares or to Benoit. At least one other source of some kind has therefore been regarded as a necessary postulate in order to account for the presence of these episodes in the Seege of Troye.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1942

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References

Note 1 in page 343 “The Rawlinson Excidium Troie—a Study of Source Problems in Mediaeval Troy Literature,” Speculum, ix (1934), 379–404; “The Youth of Paris in the Seege of Troye,” University of Texas Studies in English (1941), pp. 7–23. Modern editions of the Seege of Troye have been made by C. H. A. Wager (New York, 1899); Mary E. Barnicle, E.E.T.S., O. S.,no. 172 (London, 1927); and Leo Hibler-Lebmannsport, 2 vols. (Graz, 1928). Of the four extant MSS, Harley 525 (H), Lincoln's Inn 150 (L), Egerton 2862 (E), and Arundel xxii (A) Wager prints only H, Hibler-Lebmannsport prints L, E, and E, while Miss Barnicle prints the four MSS complete. In the present study the quotations are uniformly from Miss Barnicle's edition.

Note 2 in page 343 See, in this connection, especially A. Zietsch, Ueber Quelle und Sprache des mitlelenglischen Gedichtes “Seege oder Batayle of Troye” (Kassel, 1883); W. Greif, Die mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage, in Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der Romanischen Philologie, lxi (Marburg, 1886); E. T. Granz, Ueber die Quellengemeinschaft des mittelenglischen Gedichtes “Seege oder Batayle of Troye” und des mittelhochdeutschen Gedichtes vom trojanischen Kriege des Konrad von Würzburg (Leipzig, 1888); and the editions of C. H. A. Wager and M. E. Barnicle, cited above.

Note 3 in page 343 Greif postulated a Latin source pertaining especially to the career of Paris; Granz, Wager, and others have held that the Seege derives from a hypothetical “enlarged” Roman de Troie. Miss Barnicle refused to accept either of these theories, contending that all the material in the Seege could have come from a knowledge of the extant Dares and Benoit, plus an acquaintance with various classical authorities and traditions.

Note 4 in page 343 Three manuscripts of this narrative are now known to exist: Oxford, Bodeleian Library, Rawlinson D 893; Florence, Bibliotheca Laurenziana, lxvi, 40; and Florence, Bibliotheca Riccardiana 881. The first part of the Rawlinson text was printed in my article in Speculum cited above. The complete text has now been edited in collaboration with Dr. V. K. Whitaker of Stanford University, and this is in process of publication by the Mediaeval Academy of America. Quotations in the present study are from the composite text, not yet printed; for convenience, page references are given to the corresponding passages in the printed Rawlinson text (Speculum, ix, 397–404).

Note 5 in page 344 Ed. H. Simonsfeld, Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, xi (1886), 241–251.

Note 6 in page 344 In the Introduction to the new edition of the Excidium, sections ii-iv.

Note 7 in page 344 De Excidio Troiae Historia, vii, ed. F. Meister (Leipzig, 1873).

Note 8 in page 345 It is so regarded by Miss Barnicle, and also by G. Hofstrand, The Seege of Troye (Lund, 1936).

Note 9 in page 346 E.g., in Alfonso el Sabio's General Estoria, of which the pertinent excerpts are given in A. G. Solalinde's article “El Juicio de Paris en el ‘Alexandre’ y en la ‘General Estoria,‘” Revista de Filología Española, xv (1928), 1–51. See also El Libro de Alexandre, ed. R. S. Willis, Jr., Elliott Monographs, no. 32 (Princeton and Paris, 1934), stanzas 335 ff.; Leomarte's Sumas de Historia Troyana, ed. A. Rey, Revista de Filología Española, Anejo xv (Madrid, 1932), pp. 151 f.; Konrad von Würzburg, Der Trojanische Krieg, ed. A. von Keller, Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins, xliv (Stuttgart, 1858), 11., 808 ff.; Trójumanna Saga, ed. J. Sigurdsson, Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie (1848), pp. 18–20.

Dixo donna Iunno ∥ yo la deuo auer
respuso donna Pallas ∥ no lo puedo creer
a la fe diz donna Venus ∥ non pued esso seer
yo soe mas fremosa ∥ & mia deue ser (343)
As Solalinde shows, the account of Alfonso was strongly influenced by the Alexandre, here and elsewhere.

Note 11 in page 347 Ed. E. Gorra, Testi inediti di Storia Trojana (Torino, 1887), pp. 371–403.

Note 12 in page 347 The striking similarity in plan is here evident. That is, in both Istorietta and S the goddesses find Paris while they are quarreling (rather than being sent by Jupiter) and decide that he is qualified to decide their dispute; they approach him with the ball, etc. The similarity is almost too strong to explain. I can hardly believe these events to be part of the basic Latin narrative, which apparently included the wedding feast and the Apple of Discord. That the author of S had read the Italian account in addition to his other sources seems likewise improbable, but it is a possibility. Both accounts represent a combination of the classical story with the narrative of Dares, in which Paris goes to sleep and dreams the entire judgment; but the fact that both authors should have hit on so very similar a combination is to say the least remarkable.

Note 13 in page 347 E.g., Konrad, ll. 1611 ff.; Alfonso, p. 27; Leomarte, p. 152.

Note 14 in page 347 See W. A. Oldfather, “Notes on the Excidium Troie,” Speculum, xi (1936), 272–277.

Note 15 in page 347 In Robert Mannyng's Story of England (ll. 525 ff.) it is also one of the goddesses who proposes Paris as a judge. For citation, see below.

Note 16 in page 348 E.g., Konrad, l. 1254; Alfonso, pp. 23 ff.; Leomarte, p. 152. In Alexandre, stanzas 339 ff., it is “el peccado”—“Sin,” or, more probably, “the Evil One.”

Note 17 in page 349 E.g., Ovid, Heroides, xvi, 81, ed. G. Showerman (London, 1914); Hyginus, Fabulae, 92, ed. M. Schmidt (Jena, 1872); Apollodorus, Epitome, iii, 2, ed. J. G. Frazer, 2 vols. (London, 1921).

Note 18 in page 349 E.g., the first Vatican Mythographer, 208, Classici Auctores, iii, ed. A. Mai (Rome, 1831); Colluthus, Rape of Helen, ll. 148 ff., ed. A. W. Mair (London, 1928); Lucian, Deorum Dialogi, 20, 11, ed. G. Dindorf (Paris, 1867).

Note 19 in page 349 E.g., Alexandre, 369; Leomarte, 153; Konrad, 1913 ff.; and the Göttweiger Trojanerkrieg, ll. 2074 ff., ed. A. Koppitz, Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, xxix (Berlin, 1926).

Note 20 in page 349 Ed., with Latintranslation, in Starine (Jugoslavenska Akademija Znanosti i Umjetnosti), iii (1871), 156–187.

Note 21 in page 349 As will be noted, Paris has an identical thought after each promise except that of Venus.

Note 22 in page 349 Ed. F. J. Furnivall, 2 vols. (London, 1887).

Note 23 in page 349 Alexandre (Venus):

“Qui te promete riqueza ∥ non te faz nul amor
ca tu as assaz della ∥ grado al Criador
porend caualleria ∥ Ector non es meior.“ (383)

Leomarte: “... ellas prometieron lo que tu non as menester, ca riquezas tu as asaz dellas, pues en caualleria non ha en el mundo mejor que tu” (153).

Note 24 in page 350 E.g., Apollodorus, Epitome, iii, 2; Lucian, Dear. Dial., 20, 12; Colluthus, Rap. Hel., 143 ff.; and Ovid, Heroides, xvi, 81–82.

Note 25 in page 350 E.g., Myth. Vat. i, 208; Hyginus, Fab., 92. On the offer of wisdom see W. C. Curry, “The Judgment of Paris,” MLN, xxxi (1916), 114–116. Curry is evidently mistaken in believing that Pallas' promise of wisdom was unknown in classical times. It should be noted that Pallas offers both wisdom and strength in battle in the Trójumanna Saga, p. 22, and in Floire et Blanceflor, 1. 466, ed. E. du Méril (Paris, 1856). Alfonso (p. 39) gives what may be a very significant explanation: since Pallas has two names, she is mistress of two accomplishments: “... en lo que me dizen Pallas so deesa delos saberes Uberales, et Minerua deesa de batalla.”

Note 26 in page 350 Trojanska Priča: “... habeo enim in potestate fortitudinem, neque erit fortior heros te” (p. 161); Leomarte: “... que en ella era el poder de lo fazer vençedor en faziendas” (p. 153).

Note 27 in page 350 “Jô walt ich aller wîsheit” (1954). Cf. Juno's promise in MS H, above.

Note 28 in page 351 Evidently one speech has dropped out of H, since it is Juno, not Pallas, who has just been addressing Paris. The name Pallas is significant, since in Dares, Benoit, ET, and C she is regularly called Minerva. The popular Latin source which we must assume to have existed undoubtedly used the name Pallas, since this is the form used in nearly every analogue; e.g., Konrad (1038), Alexandre (340), Leomarte (152), Istorietta (382), Mannyng (515), etc.

Note 29 in page 351 E.g., Apollodorus, Epitome, iii, 2; Lucian, Deor. Dial., 20, 13–16; Colluthus, Rap. Hel., 164 f.; Ovid, Heroides, xvi, 83 ff.; Hyginus, Fab., 92.

Note 30 in page 351 Ed. P. Strauch, Mon. Germ. Hist., Deutsche Chroniken, iii (Hannover and Leipzig, 1900).

Note 31 in page 352 In C (243), Alexandre (392), and Mannyng (613 ff.) she instructs him to proceed to Greece under the pretence of being a merchant. MS H of S shows a very definite source relationship to these accounts; i.e., when Paris arrives in Menelaus' kingdom, he disguises his identity, pretending to come as a merchant:

“Marchauntis,” þey seyd, “þat we be;
Out of the see Octaman comen wee ...“ (654a–654b)

Note 32 in page 352 Cf. ET: “Etiam ipsi promisit ..., et discessit. Postea vero Venus ... ad eum ingressa est” (398–399).

Note 33 in page 353 In Eneas (l. 128) the postponement is likewise for three days: “a lui reviegnent al tierz jor”—ed. J.-J. Salverda de Grave, Classiques français du Moyen Age, nos. 44, 62 (Paris, 1925–9). In Mannyng (538) the goddesses merely “sette a day.” Cf. ET: “Ille vero accepto malo eas distulit et iudicium comperendinavit” (398).

Note 34 in page 353 I find no reason to suppose that this source was different from that of the LEA version. The changes are in the nature of corrections or additions; the additions are consistent with LEA, and they show correspondences to the same vernacular analogues.