I have argued that a prohibition on multiple phonemic stress levels cannot be made to follow from (46a) and/or (46b), as neither are absolute principles cross-linguistically. I have also suggested that while (46c) may be a strong cross-linguistic tendency, it does not follow from any deeper theory-internal principles, but rather, must be stipulated. Thus, the claim that Kinyambo has multiple phonemic stress levels necessitates no substantive change in standard grid theory, but merely represents one member of the typology of cases inherently predicted by the basic tenets of the theory.

Studies of phonological assimilation have played a central role in the development of current phonological theory. As widely discussed in the literature, assimilation is an extremely common phonological process cross-linguistically and therefore an adequate phonological theory should represent it simply and naturally. This has led to the current view of assimilation as spreading (Clements 1976; Goldsmith 1976; Hayes 1986; among others). Much less work has addressed itself to the issue of dissimilation, but recently it has been suggested that dissimilation should be analysed as delinking followed by default fill-in (Odden 1987; Poser 1987; McCarthy 1988; Yip 1988).

This paper argues for a prosodic constraint on the formation of diminutive and augmentative forms in Mexican Spanish. Specifically, the stem preceding diminutive (dim) and augmentative (aug) suffixes in this dialect must comprise an absolute minimum of two syllables. When a stem melody cannot satisfy the two-syllable minimum, an epenthetic vowel (V) [e] surfaces at the right edge of the stem (e.g. panesito ‘little bread’ ← pan). In the analysis proposed here, a disyllabic template f[σ σ] is mapped to stems from left to right as part of dim/aug-formation. Whether or not a consonant (C)/s/ surfaces before the suffix will be analysed as a consequence of syllabification in some cases (e.g. koronita/koronota← korona ‘crown’ vs.

Research in moraic phonology has generally assumed that a single representation is sufficient to account for all phonological rules dependent on moraic structure (Hock 1984; Hyman 1984, 1985; McCarthy & Prince 1986; Zec 1988; Hayes 1989). Thus, if a CVC syllable has the moraic structure in (1), all phonological rules will treat it as bimoraic. I term this the MORAIC UNIQUENESS HYPOTHESIS: at any given stage of a derivation, there is only one moraic projection.

In SPE (Chomsky & Halle 1968), stress was formalised as a distinctive feature, on a par with [consonantal], [continuant] and so on. Serious problems with this approach were pinpointed in Liberman & Prince (1977). Building on Liberman (1975), these authors conceived of stress as the product of a syllable-grounded network of hierarchical relations. In particular, they argued that, in any given domain (say, a word), syllables are prosodically organised into layers of binary constituents, each constituent made up of a strong element, construable as the ‘head’, and its weak sister. A path linking heads uninterruptedly leads from the tree root to the most salient, and thus primary stressed, syllable of the domain, which they named the ‘designated terminal element’.

In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. We are interested in how speakers instantiate segmental and prosodic structure on an input which may or may not abide by native rules. Crucial to this assumed strategy is the idea that loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present; as we will see, the input to loanword phonology is merely a superficial non-linguistic acoustic signal. Thus as host-language speakers perceive foreign forms in accordance with their indigenous phonological system, they instantiate native phonological representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into the native phonological system as closely as possible.

Black (1991) proposes that the failure of Velar Glide Deletion in some contexts motivates an iambic typology in which a disyllabic iamb is better than a monosyllabic iamb. Velar Glide Deletion in Axininca fails when a demotion on the iambic scale would result from its application. However, empirical findings from epenthesis, the regressive marker, augmentation and comparative data from Caquinte Campa argue against this analysis. It is important to note the relationship between the assumption that the root + suffix constitutes the prosodic domain of Velar Glide Deletion, as argued by the typological analysis, and the conclusion that Velar Glide Deletion fails when a monosyllabic foot would result from a disyllabic one. If the suffix is abandoned as part of the prosodic domain for computing Velar Glide Deletion, the root alone is the prosodic domain prohibiting Velar Glide Deletion. In the latter case, the minimal word blocking Deletion is a regular, minimal quantity-sensitive foot.

The following errors in Volume 8 of Phonology may have led to confusion:

Jeffery W. Kaze (1991). Metaphony and two models for the description of vowel systems. Phonology 8. 163–170.

Arrows should be added in (7), (8), (9), (12) and (17).

Talke Macfarland and Janet Pierrehumbert (1991). On ich-Laut, ach-Laut and Structure Preservation. Phonology 8. 171–180.

The association line linking C and [αback] in (2) on p. 172 should be a dashed line.

Marjoire K. M. Chan (1991). Contour-tone spreading and tone sandhi in Dangyang Chinese. Phonology 8. 237–289.

In (10) on p. 243 tone spreading should be from the L-tone on the terminal tonal tier to the unassociated tone-bearing units and not from the tonal root node.

In (16) on p. 247 there should be a dashed association line linking the tonal root node of the first syllable of the final representation to the L associated with the second syllable.