This study explores ongoing lenition of postvocalic /p t k b d g/ in the Spanish of Gran Canaria. Duration, intensity and harmonics-to-noise ratio of 16,454 sounds produced by 44 native speakers were measured, with the latter phonetic parameter used for the first time to investigate lenition. The results show a path of gradual sound shortening and opening from voiceless stops to open approximants, as well as systematic use of six different variants depending on the underlying representation and phonological context: two types of [p t k], two types of [b d g] and two types of [β˕ ð˕ ɣ˕]. We interpret this as continuity lenition that leads to the flattening of the intensity contour and harmonicity of the target segment with respect to the flanking sounds. We argue that a phonological analysis of this process that accounts for its non-neutralising character requires the use of a scalar [aperture] feature.

This paper provides a description and an Optimality Theory analysis of the Japanese language game sakasa kotoba. This analysis contributes to the phonological study of language games, as sakasa kotoba constitutes a novel language game type: total mora reversal. In addition, our analysis contributes to the study of Japanese phonology, by providing evidence (i) for the mora, (ii) on the internal structure of the syllable in Japanese and (iii) on the representation of moras occurring in complex syllables, namely coda nasals, geminates and long vowels. The patterning of these moras suggests that the game manipulates intermediate representations, rather than underlying or surface forms. We propose a formal analysis within the framework of Stratal OT. The analysis uses a game-specific constraint to motivate reversal, with other aspects of game form shape determined through the interaction of markedness and faithfulness constraints.

During acquisition children internalise adult-based phonological patterns and alternately adopt and discard child-specific patterns reflecting their unskilled production. The child-specific patterns are often assumed to be low-level phonetic effects, and so, in a classical modular feedforward grammar, they should not interfere with the higher-level adult-based phonology. This paper reports an interaction in which the application of a categorical adult-based process (Voice Assimilation) is conditioned by a gradient child-specific process (fricative devoicing). Acoustic analyses of longitudinal data from a Polish-speaking child reveal variable Voice Assimilation effects in target voiced fricative–stop/stop–fricative clusters (voicing and devoicing), correlated with the extent of voicing in fricatives in non-assimilatory contexts. I analyse this phonology–phonetics trade-off by appealing to symbol-like dynamical representations, expressed in the language of non-linear mathematics. Such representations offer a non-derivational link between the qualitative and quantitative aspects of speech. Variability ensues as a natural consequence of grammar change.

This paper reports a new kind of tone polarity, where the phenomenon is seen in a language with four level tones, Tenyidie (also known as Angami). I show that the polarity is in the features of the tones, i.e. at a subtonal level. The data also provide evidence that tones themselves can be broken down into smaller features. Furthermore, I demonstrate that the polarity pattern observed in the language is an epiphenomenon, a reflex of the Obligatory Contour Principle, not a phonological process in its own right. I show this with the help of a new type of tonal representation. Theoretical discussions of tone polarity have so far been almost entirely restricted to African tone systems, and to languages with just two tones. This paper brings into the discussion a Tibeto-Burman language with four tones.