¹ Abbreviations for collections of inscriptions follow those found in Wellington, J. S., Dictionary of Bibliographic Abbreviations Found in the Scholarship of Classical Studies and Related Disciplines (Westport, CN: Greenwood, 1983).Google Scholar

² One immediate problem is that of genre – why compare a letter to an inscription? In our attempt to understand the social world in which Paul's letter would have been both written and received, it is important to take account of all of the evidence available (Kloppenborg, J. S., ‘ΦΙΛΑΔΕΛΦΙΑ, ΘΕΟΔΙΔΑΚΤΟΣ and the Dioscuri: Rhetorical Engagement in 1 Thessalonians 4.9–12’, NTS 39 [1993] 267).CrossRefGoogle Scholar While other texts are helpful for NT studies, literary evidence is often limited to the cultured elite and the papyri predominantly reflect private correspondence with a limited readership in the social context of Egypt and Palestine. Inscriptions have the benefit of having survived in a number of locales, notably in Greece and Asia Minor, thus giving access to conventions that existed across diverse regions (Horsley, G. H. R., ‘The Inscriptions of Ephesos and the New Testament’, NovT 34 [1992] 114).Google Scholar Inscriptions were also set up in public places, and were available to the general public and not merely a select group. Those who could not read would have been able to have others read the inscriptions for them. Harris, W. V. (Ancient Literacy [Cambridge: Harvard University, 1989] 175;Google Scholar cf. 90, 314–15) estimates a low level of Greek and Latin literacy between 100 BCE and 250 CE. However, some inscriptions stipulate that they are to be proclaimed publicly, either annually or at the sacrifices; for example, see LSAM 33, cf. LSAM 8.

³ Although no inscriptions from Corinth were found to contain ἐπιτελέω, one must note that those that have been identified as inscriptions possibly belonging to voluntary associations are badly damaged; see Meritt, B. M., Corinth 8/1: Greek Inscriptions 1896–1927 (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1931) nos. 1–10;Google ScholarKent, J. H., Corinth 8/3: The Inscriptions 1926–1950 (Princeton: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1966) nos. 306–10.Google Scholar These inscriptions do show that associations such as those investigated here did exist at Corinth. Cf. Kloppenborg, J. S., ‘Edwin Hatch, Churches and Collegia’ in Origins and Method: Towards a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity. Essays in Honour of John C. Hurd (ed. McLean, B. H.; JSNTSup 86; Sheffield: JSOT, 1993) 215, n. 12; 219.Google Scholar

⁴ In a small way we are attempting to begin what J. Z. Smith was recommending when he asserted that ‘the whole question of “mystery-terminology” needs reexamination’ (Drudgery Divine: On the Comparison of Early Christianities and the Religions of Late Antiquity [Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism; Chicago: University of Chicago, 1990] 79, n. 38).Google Scholar On the history of the study of the relationship of Christianity and the mystery religions via word studies see further Smith, , Drudgery Divine, 55–84.Google Scholar Smith maintains that the history of word comparisons ‘has never been primarily a philological issue, but always an apologetic one’ (Drudgery Divine, 83).Google Scholar We would avoid designating ἐπιτελέω as ‘mystery-terminology’. It has meanings and uses which are much broader than the religious context. In this study we are not attempting to repeat earlier studies of Christianity and the mystery religions that sought to affirm or deny some relationship.

Among those who have sought to compare early Christianity to the Greco-Roman clubs are: Wilken, R. L., ‘Collegia, Philosophical Schools, and Theology’ in The Catacombs and the Colosseum: The Roman Empire as the Setting of Primitive Christianity (ed. Benko, S. and O'Rourke, J. J.; Valley Forge: Jusdon, 1971) 268–91;Google ScholarCountryman, L. W., ‘Patrons and Officers in Club and Church’ in SBL 1977 Seminar Papers (ed. Achtemeier, P. J.; SBLASP 11; Missoula: Scholars, 1977) 135–43;Google ScholarBarton, S. and Horsley, G. H. R., ‘A Hellenistic Cult Group and the New Testament Churches’, JAC 24 (1981) 7–41;Google ScholarMeeks, W. A., The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven and London: Yale University, 1983) 77–81Google Scholar (with reservations); Kloppenborg, ‘Rhetorical Engagement’; idem, ‘Hatch, Churches and Collegia’. We are not seeking to prove a connection, only to suggest that by looking at the sacred laws of such associations the social and linguistic background of Paul's letters can be elucidated (cf. Theissen, G., The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity: Essays on Corinth [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982] 192).Google Scholar

⁵ There is considerable debate as to whether 2 Cor 8 and 9 were originally part of 2 Cor, or whether they should be understood as part of a single, separate letter, or whether they represent parts of two independent letters. Betz, H. D. (2 Corinthians 8 and 9: A Commentary on Two Administrative Letters of the Apostle Paul [Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985] 27–35)Google Scholar recounts the arguments in detail and we will not rehearse them here. We will assume that, whether part of a single 2 Cor or, more likely, part of a separate letter, 2 Cor 8 can be profitably examined independently of its larger context in 2 Cor (see Buck, C. H., ‘The Collection for the Saints’, HTR 43 [1950] 3–9).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Nickle, K. F. (The Collection: A Study in Paul's Strategy [London: SCM, 1966] 17)Google Scholar suggests that ‘the serious conflict which had arisen between them and Paul had undoubtedly been one of the major factors contributing to this failure’. Others suggest that the collection itself might have been the point of contention (Betz, , 2 Corinthians 8 and 9, 76–7;Google Scholar cf. Marshall, P., Enmity in Corinth: Social Conventions in Paul's Relations with the Corinthians [WUNT 23; Tübingen: Mohr, 1987] 322–3).Google Scholar

Paul's collection for the Jerusalem church was one of the major activities of his ministry during the 50s (Barrett, C. K., A Commentary on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians [HNTC; New York: Harper & Row, 1973] 217).Google ScholarBuck, (‘Collection for the Saints’, 28)Google Scholar places the collection earlier, in the late 40s. On Paul's theological understanding of the collection see Nickle, Collection, esp. 100–43; Brändle, R., ‘Geld und Gnade (zu 2 Kor 8:9)’, TZ 41 (1985) 270.Google Scholar For a reconstruction of the history of Paul's collection see Georgi, D., Remembering the Poor: The History of Paul's Collection for Jerusalem (Nashville: Abingdon, 1992).Google Scholar The collection is mentioned in a number of his letters: Rom 15.25–32; 1 Cor 16.1–4; 2 Cor 8–9; Gal 2.10. That it is only briefly mentioned in Acts (24.17; cf. 11.27–30) does not necessarily mean that Paul's efforts were unknown among the churches (see Morgan-Wynne, J., ‘2 Cor VIII.18f and the Question of Traditionsgrundlage for Acts’, JTS 30 [1979] 172–3).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ LSJM s.v.; BAGD s.v.; Thayer, J. H., Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 4th ed. 1901) 244.Google Scholar

⁸ I.e., Windisch, H., Der Zweite Korintherbrief (MeyerK 9; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1924);Google ScholarHughes, P. E., Paul's Second Epistle to the Corinthians: the English Text with Introduction, Exposition and Notes (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1962);Google ScholarHéring, J., La seconde Épître de Saint Paul aux Corinthiens (CNT 8; Paris: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1965);Google ScholarLietzmann, H., An die Korinther I/II (HNT 9; Tübingen: Mohr, 1969);Google ScholarBruce, F. F., 1 and 2 Corinthians (NCBC; London, Oliphants, 1971);Google Scholar Barrett, Second Epistle to the Corinthians; Furnish, V. P., II Corinthians: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 32A; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984);Google ScholarBultmann, R., The Second Letter to the Corinthians (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1985);Google ScholarCarrez, M., La deuxième Épître de Saint Paul aux Corinthiens (CNT 8; Genève: Labor et Fides, 1986);Google ScholarBest, E., Second Corinthians (Atlanta: John Knox, 1987);Google ScholarTalbert, C. H., Reading Corinthians: A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New York: Crossroad, 1987);Google Scholaridem, ‘Money Management in Early Mediterranean Christianity: 2 Corinthians 8–9’, RevExp 86 (1989) 359–70;Google Scholar Georgi, Remembering the Poor.

Ἐπιτελέω is not discussed in either of the important works by Deissmann, G. A. (Bible Studies: Contributions Chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions to the History of the Language, the Literature, and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1901]Google Scholar and Light From the Ancient East: The New Testament Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco Roman World [London: Hodder and Stoughton, 2nd ed. 1927]).Google ScholarPreisigke, (WGPU 2.579)Google Scholar briefly illustrates ἐπιτελέω as ‘religious service’ from the papyri, but has more extensive illustration for its use in legal and financial contexts. The impression given by Moulton and Milligan (MM 247–8) is that ἐπιτελέω does not occur often in the inscriptions. However, they themselves acknowledge their under-representation of inscriptions (see Horsley, , ‘Inscriptions of Ephesos’, 114).Google Scholar

⁹ For example, R. P. Martin sees a ‘heavy use of religious language’ in Paul's fund-raising in 2 Cor 8, which he attributes to the role of the collection in Paul's salvation-historical approach (2 Corinthians [WBC 40; Waco: Word, 1986] 251).Google Scholar To show this he specifies terms such as ‘grace’, ‘fellowship’, ‘ministry’ or ‘service’, and ‘sign of love’. However, he does not mention ἐπιτελέω.

¹⁰ Delling, G., ‘τελέω, κ.τ.λ.’, in TDNT 8 (1972) 49–87.Google Scholar

¹¹ Delling, , ‘τελέω’, 62.Google Scholar

¹² In fact, he states, ‘We find no trace of a cultic sense (which ἐνάρχομαι and ἐπιτελέω might have) in either Phil. 1:6, Gl. 3:3 or 2 C. 8:6,11’ (Delling, , ‘τελέω’, 62, n. 5).Google Scholar However, Delling gives no reason for this conclusion.

¹³ Betz, , 2 Corinthians 8 and 9, 54.Google Scholar Betz points out that the verb παρακαλεῖν (‘appoint’), which Paul uses in reference to Titus, is common in administrative writings, ‘where it refers to the appointment of legal or political representatives’. For the administrative use of ἐπιτελέω in inscriptions see, for example, SEG III 674.A.27, 29 (Rhodes; II BCE), where it is used for the carrying out of a resolution to inscribe and set up legal documents stored in the city archives which prove an associations' ownership of real estate and burial plots. Cf. IG XII/5, 721.11 (Andros, I BCE).

¹⁴ Danker, F., II Corinthians (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1989) 122, 127, cf. 100–1;Google ScholarDanker, F., Benefactor: Epigraphic Study of a Graeco-Roman and New Testament Semantic Field (St Louis: Clayton, 1982) 437–8.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Plummer, A., A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Second Epistle ofSt Paul to the Corinthians (ICC; New York: Scribner, 1915) 237,Google Scholar citing Lightfoot without bibliography but see Lightfoot, J. B., Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (London: Macmillan, 10th ed. 1890) 135;Google Scholar cf. Lightfoot, J. B., Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1987) 84.Google Scholar Plummer also notes Westcott on Hebrews 9.6 (again without bibliography, but see Westcott, B. F., The Epistle to the Hebrews: The Greek Text with Notes and Essays [London: Macmillan, 2nd ed. 1892] 250).Google Scholar

In 2 Cor 8.6 and 10 Paul uses προενήρξατο with ἐπιτελέω. In Codex Vaticanus προενήρξατο is replaced by ἐνήρξατο, probably to bring this verse into conformity with Gal 3.3 and Phil 1.6 where Paul uses ἐνήρξατο and ἐπιτελέω together.

¹⁶ Plummer, , Second Epistle ofSt Paul to the Corinthians, 237.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. Plummer, A., A Commentary on St Paul's Epistle to the Philippians (London: Robert Scott, 1919) 10.Google Scholar

¹⁸ In 2 Cor 7.1 he writes ‘Since we have these promises, beloved, let us cleanse ourselves from every defilement of body and of spirit, making holiness perfect (ἐπιτελοῡντες) in the fear of God.’ Furnish, (II Corinthians, 365–6)Google Scholar notes that the use of ἐπιτελέω in 2 Cor 7.1 is unlike its use by Paul elsewhere, but has some affinities to both Philo, (Praem. Poen. 126)Google Scholar and the Qumran community (1QS 8.20; CD 7.5). However, others see in this use of ἐπιτελέω Paul advocating attainment of holiness via the observance of cultic ordinances (Betz, H. D., ‘2 Cor. 6:14–7:1: An Anti-Pauline Fragment?’, JBL 92 [1973] 98, n. 76;Google ScholarDelling, , ‘τελέω’, 61, 62;Google Scholar cf. 2 Cor 6.17. Cf. Deissmann, , Bible Studies, 216).Google Scholar This position is critiqued by Martin, (2 Corinthians, 210).Google Scholar Yet while Betz and Delling see the ritual sense of ἐπιτελέω here, they do not understand it having this sense in 2 Cor 8.

¹⁹ In both instances Paul uses ἐπιτελέω with ἐνάρχομαι to indicate something that was begun earlier but still needs to be completed. In one instance Paul presents it in the human realm (Gal 3.3) and in the other from the divine realm (Phil 1.6). In neither instance, however, is the task to be completed merely an administrative task. Both involve spiritual formation. Betz, H. D. (Galatians: A Commentary on Paul's Letter to the Churches in Galatia [Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979] 133–4, n. 57)Google Scholar concludes on Gal 3.3 that ‘if the initial experience of the Galatians had cultic overtones, they did not by necessity include notions of “sacrifice”’.

²⁰ There is a textual problem at Luke 13.32. Some manuscripts have ἐπιτελειοῦμαι (A R W Θ ψ f^1,13 Byzantine mss) while Codex Bezae has ἀποτελοῦμαι and two other manuscripts have ποιοῦμαι ($$$⁴⁵ sy^P). However, the best support is for the reading τελειοῦμαι ($$$⁷⁵ℵ B L 33 1241, pcCl).

²¹ Note the shift from the ‘completion’ of the tent (Heb 8.5) to the ‘completion’ of the ritual duties inside the tent (Heb 9.6). Oster, R. (NDIEC 4.82)Google Scholar recognises that the use of ἐπιτελέω in two Ephesian inscriptions (Syll.³ 687; Syll.³ 820) illustrates its use for religious duties in Heb 9.6. He also cites Strabo (14.1.20) who speaks of the performance of sacrifices during the nativity celebrations of Artemis at Ephesus: ‘the priesthood of the Kouretes συνάγει συμπόσια καί τινας μυστικὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖ. However, he does not extend his observations to other NT passages.

²² Beare, F. W. (The First Epistle of Peter: The Greek Text with Introduction and Notes [Oxford: Blackwell, 3rd ed. 1970] 206)Google Scholar suggests that ‘we take ἐπιτελέω in a sense which is well established for the active in the classical writers, of “fulfil a religious duty”, “perform the obligations of piety”’. This allows Beare to translate verse 9b as ‘to make the same fulfilment (of duty towards God)’. However, this understanding of ἐπιτελέω has not been well received by others (see Best, E., I Peter [NCB; London: Oliphants, 1971] 175;Google ScholarDavids, P. H., The First Epistle of Peter [NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990] 193, n. 23;Google Scholar cf. Kelly, J. N. D., A Commentary on the Epistles of Peter and of Jude [London: Black, 1969] 211).Google Scholar Nevertheless, most admit that ἐπιτελέω is used in a context of the formation of Christian character (cf. on Gal 3.3 and Phil 1.6 above; see Davids, , First Epistle of Peter, 193–4;Google ScholarGoppelt, L., A Commentary on I Peter [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993] 363–4;Google ScholarBest, , I Peter, 175).Google Scholar

²³ Ἐπιτελέω is used for seven different Hebrew words in the LXX: .

²⁴ For the papyri see MM 247–8; WGPU 2.579. For classical writers see Westcott, , Hebrews, 250.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ant. 34 of 54 occurrences; J.W. 3 of 6 occurrences; Ag.Ap. 2 of 4 occurrences; see Rengstorf, K. H., A Complete Concordance to Flavius Josephus (Leiden: Brill, 1973) 2.182.Google Scholar

²⁶ Danker, (II Corinthians, 101–2)Google Scholar draws attention to the use of ἐπιτελέω in the prohibitions but does not mention the use of the verb in religious contexts.

²⁷ In both places τὰ μυστήρια is reconstructed by the editors as the stone is damaged along the right side. The context makes the reconstruction fairly certain.

²⁸ The one exception occurs near the end of the inscription where the regulation stipulates that the majority opinion of the ten judges and the sacred officials shall be implemented (ἐπιτελείσθω) in the case of action not already specified in the decree (11.171–7).

²⁹ For ἐπιτελέω with μυστήριον see also IG V/2 265.11–12 (Mantinea, Peloponnese, 61 BCE); LSCG 89.24–5 (Phanagoria, II CE); FDelphes 3.4 308.col.l.fr.576.5; Sahin, M. Çetin, Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia (IGSK 21–2; Bonn: Habelt, 1981) 14.8Google Scholar (Panamara, n.d.); 203.16 (Panamara, 164/6 CE); IDidyma 312.24 (125/50 CE); H. Wankel et al., Die Inschriften von Ephesos (IGSK 11–17; Bonn: Habelt, 1979 [= IEphesos]) 213.14 (83/4 CE).

³⁰ For ἐπιτελέω with θυσία see also Syll.³ 1157.31–2 (Korope, 100 BCE); ICos 29.8 (III BCE); LSCG 161.A.14–15 (III BCE); IDelos 2529.24–6 (116/5 or 54/3 BCE) IG IX/2 1109.A.31–2 (Demitrias, Thessaly, I BCE); ICreticae 3:iii 3.A.5; W. Blümel, Die Inschriften von Iasos (IGSK 28; Bonn: Habelt, 1985 [= IIasos]) 612.9, 36 (127 BCE); RIG 459.16 (Halicarnassus, II BCE); IMagnesia 86.15 (188/172 BCE); RPh 1937:337–44, no. 10 (Chios, 1. 16); CIG 2220.7 (Chios); IDidyma 352.6; IEphesos 690.23 (117/161 CE); 987.13 and 988.15 (both 27 BCE/c. 88 CE); Syll.³ 1068.16 (Patmos, 184–100 BCE); IPriene 117.C.69. Cf. inscriptions where ἐπιτελέω has been partially restored by the editor; IEphesos 26.16 (180/192 BCE); 27.B.204 (104 CE); BCH 5 (1881) p. 487, no. 11.B.8 (Samos, 6/5 BCE); see also P.Oxy. 36.6–7 (II–III CE).

One should also note that the mysteries and sacrifices can also ‘happen’ (γίνομαι; 1. 29) or be ‘completed’ (συντελέω; 11. 39; 184–5; cf. τοὐς συνλειτουργήσοντας 150–1). Once ἐπιτελέω and συντελέω are used in the same sentence with reference to the mysteries; ‘and he shall not use [the revenues] for any other purpose whatever until all things have been done (ἐπιτελέσθαι) as need to be done to carry out everything needed for the performance of the mysteries (μυστηρίων συντέλειαν)’ (1. 60; cf. 11. 63–4; 144–5). Rather than see these as simply synonymous, ἐπιτελέω seems to have greater force than συντελέω, as it governs all things which must be done, both the ritual and the preparations and payments. The use of συντελέω is not limited to ritual functions but, like ἐπιτελέω, it can be used in administrative/economic contexts; i.e., in IG II2 1368.68–70 it is used for the payment of monthly and annual membership dues. In this sentence συντελέω is an administrative term, but it is used in a context of religious duty.

³¹ That this petition came to be engraved suggests that the petition was indeed successful. As it is engraved on the base of a statue, it is probably honorific, honouring either the proconsul or, more likely, Apollonius, for his work on behalf of the members of the cult (μύστοι) and their priestesses.

³² See also CIG 2871b.8 (Miletus, c. 100 BCE); IG IV 714.8–9 (Peloponnese). Cf. P.Teb. 2.294.11, 24 (146 CE).

³³ Συντελέω is used more frequently of sacrifices in this inscription (3x and 4x in other contexts) and is here a synonym of ἐπιτελέω. However, in the writings of Paul it occurs only once (Rom 9.28) where Paul is citing Isa 28.16, following the LXX, and where it has the clear, but odd, meaning of ‘cut short, cut down, cut off’ (Dunn, J. D. G., Romans 9–16 [WBC 38B; Waco: Word, 1988] 573).Google Scholar Paul does not use συντελέω as a synonym of ἐπιτελέω

³⁴ Smith, , Drudgery Divine, 77;Google ScholarBarr, J., The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: Oxford University, 1961) 222.Google Scholar

³⁵ As well as πανήγυρις, πομπή, τὰ ἱερά, ἕγνισμα, καθαρμός; see below.

³⁶ ‘Grace’ (χάρις) is used in four different senses in chapter 8: grace given by God (1), a favour sought from Paul (4), the monetary gift (6, 19), and thanksgiving (16) (Hughes, , Second Epistle to the Corinthians, 294;Google Scholar cf. Rhyne, C. T., ‘2 Corinthians 8.8–15’, Int 41 [1987] 409).Google Scholar The word χάρις can have a distinctive religious sense both within biblical material and outside of it (see Conzelmann, H., ‘χάρις, κ.τ.λ.’ in TDNT 9 (1974), esp. 375–6, 393).Google Scholar

³⁷ These are put together with χάρις in 2 Cor 8.4: τὴν χάριν καὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῆς διακονίας τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους (‘the grace and the participation in the service for the saints’).

³⁸ Cf. 2 Cor 9.10: τὰ γενήματα τῆς δικαιοσύνης (‘the harvest of your righteousness’). See Leuba, J.-L., New Testament Pattern: An Exegetical Enquiry into the ‘Catholic’ and ‘Protestant’ Dualism (London: Lutterworth, 1953) 118–19;Google ScholarDahl, N. A., Studies in Paul: Theology for the Early Christian Mission (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1977) 37–8;Google ScholarGeorgi, , Remembering the Poor, 196–7;Google Scholar cf. Young, F. M. and Ford, D. F., Meaning and Truth in 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 176–7;Google ScholarMurphy-O'Connor, J., The Theology of the Second Letter to the Corinthians (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1991) 76.Google Scholar

³⁹ Martin, , 2 Corinthians, 251.Google Scholar Paul uses a specifically commercial term with reference to the collection only once: λόγια in 1 Cor 16.1. Some have connected Paul's collection to the ‘temple-tax’. A half-shekel was given each year by every male in the diaspora synagogues towards the sacrifices at the Jerusalem temple (see Nickle, , Collection, 74–93,Google Scholar although he also notes the differences [90–3]). Murphy-O'Connor counters this by noting the ‘Voluntary’ nature of Paul's collection (Theology, 76, 91) to which we would also add the observation that the Corinthians' gift is a one time event, not an annual donation, indicating the benefactory nature of the offering. However, the temple tax may be another analogy of ‘giving’ as religious duty.

⁴⁰ Murphy-O'Connor, (Theology, 91)Google Scholar asks of 9.6, ‘Why does Paul bring God into the picture?’ However, ‘God’ is in the picture throughout chapters 8 and 9 in the subtle way Paul invokes religious language.

⁴¹ This indicates the importance that the collection played in Paul's conception of his mission. It was no mere administrative task. Paul had much more at stake: the reconciliation of Jewish and Gentile Christians (Knox, J., Chapters in a Life of Paul [Macon: Mercer University, 2nd ed. 1987] 37)Google Scholar and the legitimation of the gentile mission (Nickle, , Collection, 127).Google Scholar

⁴² Dunn, , Romans 9–16, 877;Google ScholarDeissmann, , Bible Studies, 239;Google Scholar cf. Fitzmyer, J. A., Romans: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 33; New York: Doubleday, 1993) 723.Google Scholar

⁴³ Even σφραγίζω can be used of the spiritual realm; see 2 Cor 1.22.

⁴⁴ ‘The tagoi are to pay in full (ἐπιτελεόντων) the amount of the judgment to the one who brought the accusation’ (ll. C.12–15).

⁴⁵ The tagoi were the chiefs of the phratry of the Labyadai.

⁴⁶ Cf. P.Teb. 292.21 (189–90 CE).

⁴⁷ Plummer, , Second Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians, 237;Google Scholaridem, St Paul's Epistle to the Philippians, 10; Lightfoot, , Epistle to the Galatians, 135;Google Scholaridem, Epistle to the Philippians, 84; Westcott, , Hebrews, 250;Google Scholar cf. Delling, , ‘τελέω’, 62, n. 5.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ See further Oster, R., ‘Acts 19.23–41 and an Ephesian Inscription’, HTR 77 (1984) 233–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Cf. Oster, , ND1EC 4.82;Google Scholar see also LSAM 48.1 (Miletus 276/5 BCE). IPriene 108.27 (c. 129 BCE); P.Oxy. 9.1185.29–30 (c. 200 CE); 44.3164.5 (73 CE).

⁵⁰ Cf. IDelos 3.1 466.12 where it is used for athletic games.

⁵¹ LI. 20–1 read ‘They shall complete a sacrifice (θυσίαν ἐπιτελεσά[τωσαν) at the tomb with the gymnasiarch present’ Cf. IG XII/3 330.A.18 (Thera; III BCE).

⁵² There may be one other instance of ἐπιτελέω in this inscription. At line 24 Blümel prints θ[υσία συν]τελῆτα[ι (IIasos 245, following Reinach in REG 6 [1883] 171–4).Google Scholar Thus the prefix could be ἐπι- rather than συν-. However, Sokolowski, (LSAM 60)Google Scholar reads θ[υσία συ]ντελῆτα[ι suggesting that the nu is visible on the stone. One would need to reexamine the stone to see whether the nu is legible or not. The inscription on face A is repeated, as far as we can tell, on face B of the stone. However, the reading of 1. 24 on face A is completely illegible on face B.

⁵³ On benefaction as represented in the epigraphical records see Danker, Benefactor. On patronage generally see Garnsey, P. and Saller, R., The Roman Empire: Economy, Society and Culture (London: Duckworth, 1987) 148–59.Google ScholarDanker, (Benefactor, 332;Google Scholar cf. 362) suggest that ἐπιτελέω is ‘a common term for completion of a public service assignment’. He cites IMagnesia 85.15 where ‘official envoys came to perform the sacrifices’ (Danker, , Benefactor, 374, n. 70).Google Scholar However, ἐπιτελέω is used in that inscription in the context of the sacrifices, which is a sacred duty as much as a public service assignment. A better example of benefaction is RIG 327 (cited by Danker, , Benefactor, 390, n. 213).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ IDelos 1519.21–2 reads έπετελέσατο. Foucart, P., Des associations religieuses chez les Grecs: Thiases, éranes, orgéons (Paris: Klincksieck, 1873) 224, no. 43.20Google Scholar and RIG 998.20 read έξετελέσατο, while CIG 2271.21 reads [έξ]ετελέσατο. These differences (in reading and in line numbering) cannot be reconciled without a re-examination of the stone.

⁵⁵ Συντελέω also occurs in the inscription, but it is used in an administrative context – the funding for the completion of the ‘headquarters’ (οἷκος) of the association of shippers and warehousemen (1. 3; cf. 1. 10).

⁵⁶ Cf. P.Teb. 1.6.48–9 (c. 140–39 BCE); [ἐπιτ]ελεῖν τὰ νομιζόμενα τοῖς ὑπὲρ ήμῶν καὶ τῶν τ[έ]κνων.

⁵⁷ See Betz, , 2 Corinthians 8 and 9, 65,Google Scholar discussed above.

⁵⁸ Betz, (2 Corinthians 8 and 9, 59)Google Scholar notes that ἐπιταγή (‘command’) is interesting because of its connection with votive offerings in Greek religious texts, but he does not expand on this.

⁵⁹ There are a range of words from which Paul could choose; either simply τελέω (used of payments in Rom 13.6) or one of its other cognates such as συντελέω, ἀποτελέτω, ἐκτελέω. These latter two are used in contexts of ‘complete’ without overtones of religious duty (see BAGD, s.v.) but neither are used by Paul in any context. Paul could also have used ἀποδίδωμι (‘give’; cf. Rom 13.7), δίδωμι (cf. 2 Cor 9.9) or πληρόω, which Paul uses for God supplying the needs of Christians (Phil 4.19; cf. 4.18) and of the fulfilling of Jewish law (i.e., Rom 8.4; 13.8; Gal 5.14). Cf. Nida, E. A. and Louw, J. P., Lexical Semantics of the Greek New Testament: A Supplement to the Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament Based on Semantic Domains (SBLRBS 25; Atlanta: Scholars, 1992) 96–8.Google Scholar

One might also note the significance of προθυμία in 8.11 (as Betz does). It occurs also in 8.12, 19; 9.2. Elsewhere in the NT it occurs only in Acts 17.11. Betz points out that it is used as a business term in classical sources, inscriptions, and papyri. But what underlies the whole of 8.11c is the voluntary nature of the gift giving that Paul is encouraging.

⁶⁰ See Syll. ³ 695.B.63; LSAM 9.7; 49.B.7; IDelos 1521.31; CIG 2715.4.

⁶¹ The Macedonians have gone beyond the benefactors of Syll. ³ 695, mentioned above.

⁶² See IDelos 1519; IG II² 1263; 1273A; 1292; 1297; 1329; 1337; 1369; 1375; IG XII/5 606. Paul also draws attention to Christ who benefacted the Corinthians by becoming poor so that they might become rich (2 Cor 8.9).

⁶³ ‘The fulfilment of this promise symbolized for Paul a ratification of the unity between Jewish and Gentile Christians’ (Dahl, , Studies in Paul, 31;Google Scholar cf. Leuba, , New Testament Pattern, 117–20;Google ScholarNickle, , Collection, 111–29).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Dahl, , Studies in Paul, 32;Google ScholarMurphy-O'Connor, , Theology, 80.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ One can no longer see Christianity as insulated from ‘influence’ from its ‘environment’ nor present a ‘ghetto’ portrait of early Christianities (see Smith, , Drudgery Divine, 81, 83).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ I would like to thank John S. Kloppenborg who read and commented upon an earlier draft of this paper and the members of the Toronto School of Theology ‘Hellenistic Texts Seminar’ who provided the catalyst for the paper as well as the translations for most of the inscriptions. Funding during the research and writing of this paper was provided by a Catholic Biblical Association Memorial Stipend and by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Fellowship.