Article contents
One Asia, or Many? Reflections from connected history*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 January 2016
Extract
It is now widely rumoured that the ‘Asian century’ is upon us. But what does this really mean? As late as 1988, Deng Xiaoping—in remarks made before the Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi—expressed some scepticism about the facility of the formulation. As Deng stated then:
In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the ‘four little dragons’, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. (. . .) But the population of China and India adds up to 1.8 billion. Unless those two countries are developed, there will be no Asian century. No genuine Asia-Pacific century or Asian century can come until China, India and other neighbouring countries are developed. By the same token, there could be no Latin-American century without a developed Brazil. We should therefore regard the problem of development as one that concerns all mankind and study and solve it on that level. Only thus will we recognize that it is the responsibility not just of the developing countries but also of the developed countries.
Whatever the doubts about his standing as a Marxist, then, we may say that Deng remained resolutely universalist in his perspective, at least outwardly.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015
Footnotes
Delivered as a Modern Asian Studies Lecture at Trinity College, University of Cambridge, on 1 May 2015. For help with conceiving this article and providing references, I am grateful to Perry Anderson, Nile Green, Claude Markovits, Matthew Mosca, Richard von Glahn, and R. Bin Wong. I am also indebted to Caroline Ford for comments on an earlier draft.
References
1 Letter from Rabindranath Tagore at Santiniketan to Jawaharlal Nehru, 17 August 1939, in Dutta, Krishna and Robinson, Andrew, (eds), Selected Letters of Rabindranath Tagore (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 512–13Google Scholar.
2 Remarks from 21 December 1988, in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. III (1982–1992) (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 1994), pp. 182–83.
3 de Bary, William Theodore, Asian Values and Human Rights: A Confucian Communitarian Perspective (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
4 Sen, Amartya, Human Rights and Asian Values (New York: Carnegie Council, 1997), pp. 30–31Google Scholar.
5 Chen, Kuan-Hsing, Asia as Method: Toward Deimperialization (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yoshimi, Takeuchi, ‘Asia as Method’, in Calichman, Richard F., (ed.), What is Modernity? Writings of Takeuchi Yoshimi (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), pp. 149–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
6 Nandy, Ashis, ‘History's Forgotten Doubles’, History and Theory, Vol. 34, No. 2, 1995, pp. 44–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Careful readers will have noted that Nandy's principled objections extend not simply to history, but to almost all forms of empirical fact. For an example, see Nandy, A., ‘Time Travel to a Possible Self: Searching for the Alternative Cosmopolitanism of Cochin’, Japanese Journal of Political Science, Vol. 1, No. 2, 2000, pp. 295–327CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This article contains an entirely empirically unsustainable (perhaps ‘mythical’) account of the past of the port-city of Cochin (Kochi), but still has numerous admirers. Compare da Silva Tavim, José Alberto Rodrigues, Judeus e cristãos-novos de Cochim, história e memória (1500–1662) (Braga: APPACDM Distrital de Braga, 2003)Google Scholar.
7 For the context in question, see Kumar, Dharma and Mookherjee, Dilip, (eds), D. School: Reflections on the Delhi School of Economics (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.
8 Bayly, C.A., Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 1770–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Bayly, C.A., Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World, 1780–1830 (London: Longman, 1989)Google Scholar.
9 See Bayly, C.A., ‘Epilogue: Historiographical and Autobiographical Note’, in Bayly, C.A., Origins of Nationality in South Asia: Patriotism and Ethical Government in the Making of Modern India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 307–22Google Scholar.
10 See Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History (London: Longman, 1993; 2nd revised edition, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012)Google Scholar.
11 As a measure of the friendly conversation between the two journals, I note that one of my better-known essays in print is Subrahmanyam, S., ‘Connected Histories: Notes towards a reconfiguration of early modern Eurasia’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3, 1997, pp. 735–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 Ghani, Ashraf, ‘Islam and State-Building in a Tribal Society’, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2, 1978, pp. 269–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian elite migration and early modern state formation’, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 51, No. 2, 1992, pp. 340–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Subrahmanyam, S., ‘Of Imârat and Tijârat: Asian merchants and state power in the western Indian ocean, 1400–1750’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 37, No. 4, 1995, pp. 750–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 Hui, Wang, ‘The Idea of Asia and its Ambiguities’, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 69, No. 4, 2010, pp. 985–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a further development of the ideas in this brief article, see Hui, Wang, The Politics of Imagining Asia, (ed.), Huters, Theodore (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2011)Google Scholar.
15 See the brief but highly pertinent comments in Claude Markovits, ‘L’Asie, une invention européenne?’, Monde(s): Histoire, espaces, relations, No. 3, 2013, pp. 53–66.
16 Rennell, James, The Geographical System of Herodotus, Examined; and Explained, by a Comparison with those of other Ancient Authors, and with Modern Geography (London: W. Bulman and Co., 1800)Google Scholar. Herodotus, The Histories, (trans.), A.D. Godley (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1920), 4.40.2.
17 Bassin, Mark, ‘Russia Between Europe and Asia: The ideological construction of geographical space’, Slavic Review, Vol. 50, No. 1, 1991, pp. 1–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the text, see von Strahlenberg, Philipp Johann: Das Nord- und Östliche Theil von Europa und Asia, In so weit solches Das gantze Rußische Reich mit Siberien und der grossen Tatarey in sich begreiffet, In einer Historisch-Geographischen Beschreibung der alten und neuern Zeiten, und vielen andern unbekannten Nachrichten vorgestellet (. . .) (Stockholm: The author, 1730)Google Scholar. The first English translation dates to 1736.
18 For a recent analysis, see Gruzinski, Serge, Les quatre parties du monde: Histoire d’une mondialisation (Paris: La Martinière, 2004)Google Scholar; the usage goes back to the sixteenth century, as we see from such texts as Apianus, Petrus, Cosmographie, ou description des quatre parties du Monde contenant la situation, division & estendue de chascune region & province d’icelles (. . .) Corrigée & augmentée par Gemma Frison (Antwerp: Jean Bellere, 1581)Google Scholar.
19 For a copy, see British Museum, London, Museum No. 1870,0514.1177, ‘Asia: a three-quarter-length seated woman with high turban, holding a book and an incense burner, ca. 1630. Engraving’.
20 Ripa, Cesare, Baroque and Rococo Pictorial Imagery: The 1758–60 Hertel Edition of Ripa's Iconologia with 200 Engraved Illustrations, (ed.), Maser, Edward A. (Toronto: Dover Publications, 1971), Image 103Google Scholar.
21 Helmberger, Werner and Staschull, Matthias, Tiepolo's World: The Ceiling Fresco in the Staircase Hall of the Würzburg Residence (Munich: Bayerische Schlösserverwaltung, 2008)Google Scholar.
22 For a general sense of this remarkable Victorian author, see Pruzan, Todd, (ed.), The Clumsiest People in Europe: Or, Mrs. Mortimer's Bad-Tempered Guide to the Victorian World (New York: Bloomsbury, 2006)Google Scholar.
23 See Hagen, Gottfried, ‘Überzeitlichkeit und Geschichte in Kātib Čelebis Ğihānnümā’, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol. 14, 1995–96, pp. 133–59Google Scholar; Hagen, G., ‘Kâtib Çelebi's Maps and the Representation of Space in Ottoman Visual Culture’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, Journal of Ottoman Studies, Vol. 40, 2012, pp. 283–93Google Scholar.
24 Tezcan, Baki, ‘The Many Lives of the First Non-Western History of the Americas: From the New Report to the History of the West Indies’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, Journal of Ottoman Studies, Vol. 40, 2012, pp. 1–38Google Scholar.
25 Maffei, Giovanni Pietro, Historiarum Indicarum Libri XVI: Selectarum item ex India epistolarum eodem interprete Libri IIII (Venice: Damiano Zenaro, 1589Google Scholar; 1st edition, Florence, 1588); Curry, John J., ‘An Ottoman Geographer Engages the Early Modern World: Katip Çelebi's vision of East Asia and the Pacific Rim in the Cihânnümâ’, Osmanlı Araştırmaları, Journal of Ottoman Studies, Vol. 40, 2012, pp. 221–57Google Scholar.
26 Sarıcaoğlu, Fikret, ‘Cartography’, in Ágoston, Gábor and Masters, Bruce A., (eds), Encyclopaedia of the Ottoman Empire (New York: Facts on File, 2009), pp. 120–24Google Scholar.
27 Salzmann, Ariel, Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire: Rival Paths to the Modern State (Leiden: Brill, 2004)Google Scholar.
28 Salzmann, Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire, pp. 34–35.
29 de Barros, João, Da Ásia: Dos feitos que os Portuguezes fizeram no descubrimento e conquista dos mares e terras do Oriente, 4 Vols in 8 Parts (reprint, Lisbon: Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973)Google Scholar; Boxer, C.R., João de Barros: Portuguese Humanist and Historian of Asia (New Delhi: Concept Publishing, 1980)Google Scholar.
30 Alves, Jorge Santos, (ed.), Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinação: Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes and Indexes, 4 Vols (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente-INCM, 2010)Google Scholar; Vaz Dourado, Fernão, Atlas: Reprodução facsimilada do códice iluminado 171 da Biblioteca Nacional, (ed.), Albuquerque, Luís de (Lisbon: CNCDP, 1991)Google Scholar.
31 For Witsen, see the somewhat hagiographic (but still useful) account in Peters, Marion, De wijze koopman: Het wereldwijde onderzoek van Nicolaes Witsen (1641–1717), burgemeester en VOC-bewindhebber van Amsterdam (Amsterdam: Bert Bakker 2010)Google Scholar; for Dapper, see Wills, John E. Jr., ‘Author, Publisher, Patron, World: A Case of Old Books and Global Consciousness’, Journal of Early Modern History, Vol. 13, No. 5, 2009, pp. 375–433CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
32 Sassetti, Filippo, Lettere da Vari Paesi, 1570–88, (ed.), Bramanti, Vanni (Milan: Longanesi, 1970), pp. 220–21Google Scholar. Subrahmanyam, Portuguese Empire, pp. 240–41.
33 Luís Fróis, S.J., Tratado das Contradições e Diferenças de Costumes entre a Europa e o Japão, (ed.), Loureiro, Rui Manuel (Macao: Instituto Português do Oriente, 2001)Google Scholar.
34 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Monsieur Picart and the Gentiles of India’, in Hunt, Lynn, Jacob, Margaret and Mijnhardt, Wijnand, (eds), Bernard Picart and the First Global Vision of Religion (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2010), pp. 197–214Google Scholar; Ginzburg, Carlo, ‘Provincializing the World: Europeans, Indians, Jews (1704)’, Postcolonial Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2, 2011, pp. 135–50Google Scholar.
35 Todorov, Tzvetan, La peur des barbares: Au-delà du choc des civilisations (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2008)Google Scholar.
36 For an early riposte to Weber on South Asia, see Morris, Morris D., ‘Values as an Obstacle to Economic Growth in South Asia: An historical survey’, Journal of Economic History, Vol. 27, No. 4, 1967, pp. 588–607CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also see Weber, Max, Hindouisme et Bouddhisme, (eds and trans), Kalinowski, Isabelle and Lardinois, Roland (Paris: Flammarion, 2003)Google Scholar, for a vigorous but ultimately unconvincing defence of Weber by the editors.
37 Chaudhuri, K.N., Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean From the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 49–66Google Scholar. In the discussion that follows I have tried to render comprehensible, passages that are often extremely opaque.
38 For a clear historical account of this concept (as opposed to an essentialist one), see Olivelle, Patrick, The Āśrama System: The History and Hermeneutics of a Religious Institution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 190–220Google Scholar.
39 Chaudhuri, Asia Before Europe, pp. 49–66.
40 See Bonney, Richard, False Prophets: The ‘Clash of Civilizations’ and the Global War on Terror (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2008)Google Scholar; as well as the earlier, clear-headed demolition in Mottahedeh, Roy P., ‘The Clash of Civilizations: An Islamicist's critique’, Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review, Vol. 2, No. 2, 1996, pp. 1–26Google Scholar.
41 Smith, Wilfred Cantwell, The Meaning and End of Religion: A New Approach to the Religious Traditions of Mankind (New York: Macmillan, 1962)Google Scholar.
42 Gries, Peter Hays, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics and Diplomacy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), pp. 40–42, passimGoogle Scholar.
43 Sauvaget, Jean, (ed. and trans.), Akhbâr as-Sîn wa l-Hind: Relation de la Chine et de l’Inde (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1948)Google Scholar. For the larger corpus of such texts, and their vision, see Miquel, André, La Géographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu’au milieu du xie siècle, 4 Vols (The Hague: Mouton, 1967Google Scholar; reprint, Paris: Éditions de l’EHESS, 2001–2002).
44 Lewis, Martin W. and Wigen, Kären E., The Myth of Continents: A Critique of Metageography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 186–88Google Scholar. For a far more radical critique from the viewpoint of cultural geography, see Grataloup, Christian, L’invention des continents: Comment l’Europe a découpé le monde (Paris: Larousse, 2009)Google Scholar.
45 Fletcher, Joseph, ‘Ch’ing Inner Asia, c. 1800’, in Fairbank, John King, (ed.), The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10: Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911, Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), pp. 35–106CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
46 Fletcher, Joseph, Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia, (ed.), Manz, Beatrice Forbes (Aldershot: Variorum-Ashgate, 1995)Google Scholar. For an interesting attempt to apply Fletcher's ideas, also see Adshead, S.A.M., Central Asia in World History (New York: St Martin's Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
47 See, for example, Waley-Cohen, Joanna, ‘The New Qing History’, Radical History Review, Vol. 88, 2004, pp. 193–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
48 Richard, Francis, Splendeurs persanes: Manuscrits du XIIe au XVIIe siècle (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 1997), p. 36Google Scholar.
49 See the brief but useful reconsideration in Morgan, David, ‘The Mongols in Iran: A reappraisal’, Iran, Vol. 42, 2004, pp. 131–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, more broadly, Amitai-Preiss, Reuven and Morgan, David, (eds), The Mongol Empire and its Legacy (Leiden: Brill, 1999)Google Scholar.
50 See Green, Nile, ‘From the Silk Road to the Railroad (and Back): The means and meanings of the Iranian encounter with China’, Iranian Studies, Vol. 48, No. 2, 2015, pp. 165–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
51 Quatremère, Étienne, (ed. and trans.), Histoire des Mongols de la Perse par Raschid-Eldin. Texte persan, publié, traduit en français: Accompagnée de notes et d’un mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de l’auteur (reprint, Amsterdam: Oriental Press, 1968), pp. 62–63Google Scholar.
52 Rossabi, Morris, ‘The Reign of Khubilai Khan’, in Franke, Herbert and Twitchett, Denis, (eds), The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 6: Alien Regimes and Border States, 907–1368 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 482–88Google Scholar.
53 Jackson, Peter, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 105–08Google Scholar.
54 Digby, Simon, War-Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A Study of Military Supplies (Oxford: Orient Monographs, 1971)Google Scholar.
55 For a recent analysis of Mirza Haidar that differs somewhat from mine in emphasis, see Anooshahr, Ali, ‘Mughals, Mongols and Mongrels: The challenge of aristocracy and the rise of the Mughal state in the Tarikh-i Rashidi’, Journal of Early Modern History, Vol. 18, No. 6, 2014, pp. 559–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I return here to themes dealt with in Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Early Modern Circulation between Central Asia and India and the Question of “Patriotism”’, in Green, Nile, (ed.), Writing Travel in Central Asian History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014), pp. 43–68Google Scholar.
56 For these questions, see Elverskog, Johan, Buddhism and Islam on the Silk Road (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), pp. 175–80Google Scholar.
57 For the presentation of Babur as ‘humanist’, see Dale, Stephen F., ‘Steppe Humanism: The autobiographical writings of Zahir al-Din Muhammad Babur, 1483–1530’, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1990, pp. 37–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but compare the rather more convincing analysis in Anooshahr, Ali, The Ghazi Sultans and the Frontiers of Islam: A Comparative Study of the Late Medieval and Early Modern Periods (London: Routledge, 2009), pp. 15–37Google Scholar.
58 See Biran, Michal, The Empire of the Qara Khitai in Eurasian History: Between China and the Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.
59 Mirza, Haidar, Tarikh-i Rashidi: Tarikh-i Khawanin-i Mughulistan (A History of the Khans of Moghulistan), (ed. and trans.), Thackston, Wheeler, 2 Vols (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, 1996), trans. p. 90Google Scholar; text, p. 111. (The last phrase is a proverb.)
60 Mirza, Tarikh-i Rashidi, trans. pp. 192–93; text, p. 247.
61 On Mirza Haidar's description of the region, also see Shaw, Robert B., ‘A Prince of Kashgar on the Geography of Eastern Turkestan’, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. 46, 1876, pp. 277–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
62 Mirza, Tarikh-i Rashidi, trans. pp. 258–60; text, pp. 363–65.
63 This letter, dated 28 Zi-Hijja 1005 H (2 August 1597) was drafted by Shaikh Abu’l Fazl, and appears in his inshā’ collection. For a summary, see Islam, Riazul, A Calendar of Documents on Indo-Persian Relations (1500–1750), 2 Vols (Karachi: Institute of Central and West Asian Studies, 1979–82), Vol. 2, Letter Tx. 336, pp. 225–26Google Scholar.
64 Didier, Hugues, Fantômes d’Islam et de Chine: Le voyage de Bento de Góis S.J. (1603–1607) (Paris: Chandeigne, 2003)Google Scholar.
65 Sudipta Kaviraj, ‘A Strange Love of the Land: Identity, poetry and politics in the (un)making of South Asia’, Samaj: South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal, No. 10, 2014, p. 5.
66 Tinguely, Frédéric, (ed.), Un Libertin dans l’Inde Moghole: Les voyages de François Bernier (1656–1669) (Paris: Chandeigne, 2008), pp. 133–37Google Scholar.
67 Haidar, Mansura, ‘The Yasai Chingizi (Tura) in the Medieval Indian Sources’, in Sharma, R.C., et al., Mongolia: Culture, Economy, Politics (Delhi: Khama Publishers, 1992), pp. 53–66Google Scholar.
68 Compare I. Kunt, Metin, The Sultan's Servants: The Transformation of Ottoman Provincial Government, 1550–1650 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983)Google Scholar; also the discussion in Babaie, Sussan, Babayan, Kathryn, Baghdiantz-McCabe, Ina and Farhad, Massumeh, Slaves of the Shah: New Elites of Safavid Iran (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004)Google Scholar.
69 This data are taken from Iqtidar Khan, Alam, ‘The Nobility Under Akbar and the Development of his Religious Policy’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 100, No. 1, 1968, pp. 29–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Husain, Afzal, The Nobility Under Akbar and Jahāngīr: A Study of Family Groups (New Delhi: Manohar, 1999), p. 191Google Scholar; and Ali, M. Athar, The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1966)Google Scholar. The data for 1565–75, 1575–95, and 1605 pertain to mansabdārs with a rank of 500 and above, and that for the period after 1605 to those with a rank of 1,000 and above. The information for 1555 pertains to all amīrs.
70 na Pombejra, Dhiravat, ‘Ayutthaya at the End of the Seventeenth Century: Was there a Shift to Isolation?’, in Reid, Anthony, (ed.), Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 250–72Google Scholar.
71 Akbar Khata, Sayyid ‘Ali’i, Khatāy-nāma, (ed.), Afshar, Iraj (Tehran, 1357 Sh./1968)Google Scholar; Lin, Yih-Min, ‘A Comparative and Critical Study of Ali Akbar's Khitāy-nāma with Reference to Chinese Sources (English Summary)’, Central Asiatic Journal, Vol. 27, 1983, pp. 58–78Google Scholar.
72 Mosca, Matthew W., From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy: The Question of India and the Transformation of Geopolitics in Qing China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013), p. 48CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is broadly confirmed in Sen, Tansen, ‘Maritime Interactions Between China and India: Coastal India and the ascendancy of Chinese maritime power in the Indian ocean’, Journal of Central Eurasian Studies, Vol. 2, 2011, pp. 41–82Google Scholar. However, Sen does suggest some continuing Chinese presence in Bengal even after 1433.
73 al-Makki, Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali, Lightning over Yemen: A History of the Ottoman Campaign (1569–71), (trans.), Clive K. Smith (London: I.B. Tauris, 2002)Google Scholar; al-Nahrawali, Qutb al-Din, Journey to the Sublime Porte: The Arabic Memoir of a Sharifian Agent's Diplomatic Mission to the Ottoman Imperial Court in the Era of Suleyman the Magnificent, (trans.), Richard Blackburn (Beirut: Ergon Verlag, 2005)Google Scholar.
74 Das Gupta, Ashin, Indian Merchants and the Decline of Surat, c. 1700–1750 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1979)Google Scholar.
75 Nagashima, Hiromu, ‘Juhachi seiki zenhan sakusei no Mugaru teikoku koshi Sūrato no chizu ni tsuite’ (The Map of the Mughal Empire's Port-City of Surat composed in the First Half of the Eighteenth Century), Nagasaki kenritsu daigaku ronso (Nagasaki Prefectural University Journal), Vol. 40, No. 2, 2006, pp. 89–132Google Scholar. Some of these materials also appear in Nagashima, H., ‘The Factories and Facilities of the East India Companies in Surat: Locations, Building Characteristics and Ownership’, in Haneda, Masashi, (ed.), Asian Port Cities 1600–1800: Local and Foreign Cultural Interactions (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009), pp. 192–227Google Scholar.
76 Ho, Engseng, The Graves of Tarim: Genealogy and Mobility Across the Indian Ocean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 Mosca, From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy, p. 53.
78 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘What the Tamils Said: A letter from the Kelings of Melaka (1527)’, Archipel, No. 82, 2011, pp. 137–58.
79 Ricci, Ronit, Islam Translated: Literature, Conversion, and the Arabic Cosmopolis of South and Southeast Asia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
80 Pollock, Sheldon, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009)Google Scholar. For a different perspective, see the earlier essay by Hermann Kulke, ‘Indian Colonies, Indianization or Cultural Convergence?: Reflections on the changing image of India's role in South-East Asia’, Semaian, No. 3, 1990, pp. 8–32.
81 Lombard, Denys, Le carrefour javanais: Essai d’histoire globale (Paris: Éditions de l’EHESS, 1990)Google Scholar. For rare exceptions, see Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Writing History “Backwards”: Southeast Asian history (and the Annales) at the crossroads’, Studies in History (n.s.), Vol. 10, No. 1, 1994, pp. 131–45, and Heather Sutherland, ‘Southeast Asian History and the Mediterranean Analogy’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 34, No. 1, 2003, pp. 1–20.
82 Brook, Timothy, The Troubled Empire: China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press, 2010), pp. 227–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
83 Yonemoto, Marcia, Mapping Early Modern Japan: Space, Place, and Culture in the Tokugawa Period (1603–1868) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003)Google Scholar.
84 It could of course be entirely sidestepped, as is the case in this recent volume: Tagliacozzo, Eric, Siu, Helen F. and Perdue, Peter C., (eds), Asia Inside Out: Changing Times (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The editors tell us, summarily and with no clear intellectual justification, that their volume addresses ‘the vast land and sea regions stretching from the Middle East and South Asia, across the seas of Southeast Asia, and up the East Asian coast to China, Korea, and Japan’ (p. 1).
85 This succinct and useful definition can be found in Stolte, Carolien and Fischer-Tiné, Harald, ‘Imagining Asia in India: Nationalism and internationalism (ca. 1905–1940)’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 54, No. 1, 2012, pp. 65–92 (on p. 65)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
86 Duara, Prasenjit, ‘Asia Redux: Conceptualizing a region for our times’, The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 69, No. 4, 2010, pp. 963–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some of these ideas are further developed in Duara, P., The Crisis of Global Modernity: Asian Traditions and a Sustainable Future (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014)Google Scholar.
87 Wang Hui, ‘The Idea of Asia and its Ambiguities’.
88 Stolte and Fischer-Tiné, ‘Imagining Asia in India’, p. 91; Steadman, John M., The Myth of Asia: A Refutation of Western Stereotypes of Asian Religion, Philosophy, Art and Politics (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969)Google Scholar. Compare this with Chakrabarty's well-known use of the term ‘hyperreal’ to refer to ‘certain figures of imagination whose geographical referents remain somehow indeterminate’: Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 27, passimGoogle Scholar.
89 Georgeon, François, ‘Un voyageur tatar en Extrême-Orient au début du XXe siècle’, Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique, Vol. 32, No. 1, 1991. pp. 47–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the larger context of Japanese interactions with the Islamic world, see Aydin, Cemil, The Politics of Anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of World Order in Pan-Islamic and Pan-Asian Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
90 Duara, ‘Asia Redux’, p. 964.
91 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, ‘Swings of the Pendulum’, in India-China Ties: 60 Years, 60 Thoughts (Beijing: Embassy of India, 2010), p. 95Google Scholar. In fact, I see this as the paradoxical conclusion of an essay such as Anand A. Yang, ‘China and India are One: A subaltern's vision of “Hindu China” during the Boxer Expedition of 1900–1901’, in Tagliacozzo, et al., Asia Inside Out, pp. 207–25.
92 Okakura, Kakuzō, The Ideals of the East, With Special Reference to the Art of Japan (London: John Murray, 1904), pp. 1–3Google Scholar.
93 Pekka Korhonen, ‘The Geography of Okakura Tenshin’, Japan Review, No. 13, 2001, pp. 107–27; also Notehelfer, Fred G., ‘On Idealism and Realism in the Thought of Okakura Tenshin’, Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 16, No. 2, 1990, pp. 309–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a detailed account of the numerous fissures and contradictions in his thought.
94 Okakura, The Ideals of the East, pp. 1–3.
- 15
- Cited by