This paper argues that adverse publicity can fulfil two crucial roles in consumer protection law and policy. First, it can operate as an effective regulatory sanction in its own right; secondly it can play a vital role in helping consumers to exert market discipline by making informed choices about suppliers. However, there are significant risks to using adverse publicity to achieve these ends and it is imperative that any regulatory regime addresses these. Studying this topic now is particularly important for three main reasons. First, there has been widespread recognition that the regulatory offence, typically backed up with fines, is not the most effective form of sanction. More flexible, targeted and responsive options are required. Secondly, there is now ample evidence that regulated information, for example in the form of mandatory disclosure, frequently fails to help consumers to make fully informed choices. Finally, there are some highly significant very recent examples of enforcers using publicity in ways that can be viewed both as a sanction and as an information tool. The need to sanction responsively and to bolster consumer sovereignty demonstrates the potential for adverse publicity as a tool of consumer protection policy.

The barristers' profession of England and Wales no longer relies on its special reputation to attract the next generation of practitioners. Today, the Bar deliberately sells itself to prospective members. This activity is designed to construct and communicate an appealing self-identity, and to tacitly sort out desirable recruits. It is a significant component of the Bar's enduring status ‘project’. Nonetheless, these processes take place within a complex wider environment, one which calls on the Bar to be competitive and distinct, as well as rational and inclusive. This paper is a unique, qualitative examination of the ways in which the barristers' profession markets itself within this context. It is the product of an investigation of the recruitment initiatives of one of the Inns of Court, targeted at law students. This paper identifies four main strands of the Bar's professional identity at this stage of entry: the Bar as traditional community; profession of excellence; inclusive profession; and a group facing certain challenges to its commanding position. The analysis shows how these multiple, sometimes conflicting, and often ambiguous themes are conveyed and handled. In the process, it reveals areas where the Bar is taking advantage of the current climate, and others where serious fault-lines in the Bar's identity have emerged. Finally, this analysis identifies the sorts of demands these images make of potential members if they want to be accepted into this old and sought-after profession.

For almost as long as there have been elections, their outcomes have been disputed. Disgruntled candidates have tried many different avenues to right the wrongs of an election they consider they should have won. For several hundred years, jurisdiction over disputed elections was exercised by the Monarch personally, then by the courts, and then by Parliament until finally, in the 1860s, Parliament ceded its power to the courts in the form of the election petitions jurisdiction. This paper considers that history, examines the current system of election petitions, and proposes a number of reforms to this crucial aspect of British democracy.

This paper engages with a changing politics of male circumcision. It suggests that various shifts which have occurred in how the issue is debated challenge legal constructions of the practice as a private familial issue. Although circumcision rates have declined in those Western nations which have traditionally practised it, the procedure is now being promoted as a medicalised response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in sub-Saharan Africa. Such initiatives propose a new biomedical rationale for the practice and have been difficult to confine to the African context or to adult bodies, prompting a resurgence of enthusiasm for neonatal male circumcision on the part of professional bodies in the USA and elsewhere. Although we have reservations about such public health policies, which we suggest downplay risks inherent in the procedure both for the individual and for the advancement of public health, we argue that such strategies have the potential to move debates about circumcision beyond the parameters of traditional ‘medical law’, with its focus on the doctor–patient nexus and the issue of who can validly consent to medical procedures. We suggest that, as with female genital cutting, male circumcision ought to be debated within a paradigm of social justice which gives adequate weighting to the interests of all affected parties (including women whose health may actually be compromised by the procedure) and which renders visible the socio-economic dimensions of the issue. In line with a social justice approach, we argue that public health initiatives must comply with international ethico-legal standards and be attentive to the emergence of an international human right to health. The shift in analytical frame that we propose has the potential not only to make us re-think our approach to the ethics and legality of male circumcision by challenging its construction as a familial decision but also to impact on the need for a broader conceptualisation of health law as rooted in social justice.

UN peacekeeping missions operate under the authority of the UN. However, the military personnel that constitute a UN peacekeeping mission remain organs of the states from which they are contributed. Thus, whether unlawful acts committed by peacekeepers can be attributed to the UN is dependent upon whether the peacekeeping force can be regarded as being under the direction and control of the UN. This is a question of fact. According to the ICJ and the International Law Commission, unlawful acts committed by peacekeeping forces will be attributed to the UN only where the UN exercised ‘effective control’ over the commission of the unlawful act. In contrast, the ECtHR has consistently propounded a very different test, asserting that unlawful acts will be attributed to the UN only where the UN retained ‘ultimate authority and control’ over the peacekeeping mission. I argue, however, that neither of these tests provides a suitable legal framework for determining attribution of unlawful conduct in the context of UN peacekeeping missions. After outlining the deficiencies of these tests, I submit that a more suitable approach to determining attribution would be based upon the overall control test as outlined by the ICTY in Tadić.

Three connected processes make up the UK corporate rescue regime: the formal, legal regime, informal approaches and the quasi-formal system, as exemplified by the pre-packaged administration. These three processes not only operate through different procedures but they are also attuned to the pursuit of different objectives and values, they are subject to different controls and they involve different roles for, and relationships between, the parties affected by corporate rescues. A number of negative and identifiable consequences flow from such divergences. An understanding of the tensions between these three systems and an awareness of the challenges posed by transition through different procedures does, however, help to explain many of the deficiencies of current corporate rescue processes and it also provides an enhanced basis for considering current proposals for reforming restructuring and working towards an improved rescue regime.