1. Augustin-Norbert Morin, “Essai d'un catalogue bibliographique de droit autre que français et anglais … mais surtout allemand,” Saint-Hyacinthe, Qc, Séminaire de Saint-Hyacinthe, Centre d'archives (hereafter Saint-Hyacinthe), A Fg 5 D.H. The latest source cited (in a note attached inside the front cover) is Poison's, ArcherPrinciples of the Law of Nations (Philadelphia: T. & J. W. Johnson, 1860).Google Scholar On Morin, see generally Paradis, Jean-Marc, “Morin, Augustin-Norbert,” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, ed. Brown, George W. et al. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1966–), 9:568–72Google Scholar (hereafter DCS). Young, Brian, The Politics of Codification: The Lower Canadian Civil Code of 1866 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press/Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History, 1994)Google Scholar provides valuable orientation in Morin's surviving papers.

2. Mackeldey, Ferdinand, Manuel de droit romain, contenant la théorie des Institutes précédée d'une introduction à l'étude du droit romain, trans. Beving, J., 3d ed. (Brussels: Société typographique Belge, 1846)Google Scholar; Belime, William, Philosophie du droit, ou Cours d'introduction à la science du droit, 2d ed. in 2 vols. (Paris: A. Durand, 1856).Google Scholar

3. Morin's frequent spelling errors and haphazard understanding of the umlaut suggest that he was transcribing titles he did not understand.

4. Bibaud, François-Maximilien, “Étude du droit: épître ou præmium, à Messieurs les Étudiants en droit du Bas-Canada,” Mélanges religieux, politiques, commerciaux et littéraire (15, 18, 22 April 1851).Google Scholar On Bibaud and his school, see generally André Morel and Yvan Lamonde, “Bibaud, François-Maximilien,” in DCB, 11:70–71; Macdonald, R. St. J., “Max-imilien Bibaud, 1823–1887: The Pioneer Teacher of International Law in Canada,” Dalhousie Law Journal 11 (1987–1988): 721–43Google Scholar; Howes, David, “The Origin and Demise of Legal Education in Quebec (or Hercules Bound)” University of New Brunswick Law Journal 38 (1989): 127–56Google Scholar; Lortie, Léon, “The Early Teaching of Law in French Canada,” Dalhousie Law Journal 2 (1975–1976): 521–32.Google Scholar

5. Laboulaye, Edouard, “Quelques réflexions sur l'enseignement du droit en France …”, Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Paris] 24 (1845): 289–370.Google Scholar On the Revue, see below, note 36 and accompanying text.

6. As Bibaud noted in 1859, “I try hard to get and to read translations of German books. to savor their erudition”; Commentaires sur les lois du Bas-Canada, ou Conférences de l'école de droit liée au collège des RR. PP. Jésuites … (Montreal: Cérat et Bourguignon, 1859), 1:28 (Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions [hereafter OHM] nos. 46876–78). For convenience in accessing copies of early Canadian imprints, many of which are rare or unique, I have cited the CIHM microfiche numbers. Information on the project (including online versions of some of the works cited here) can be found ai <;http://www.canadiana.org>.

7. This is often a characteristic of the small market: lacking the confidence to be arrogantly self-absorbed, it naturally looks to its more powerful neighbors for inspiration and direction.

8. Compare Howes, “Hercules Bound,” who sees nineteenth-century Quebec legal culture as shaped by a residual orality.

9. This decisive influence of the written word is evident already in the Middle Ages. See Clanchy, M. T., From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993)Google Scholar and Stock, Brian, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

10. On the history of books, see especially Hoeflich, M. H., “Legal History and the History of the Book: Variations on a Theme,” University of Kansas Law Review 46 (1998): 415–31Google Scholar; Chartier, Roger, The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France, trans. Cochrane, Lydia G. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Darnton, Robert, The Kiss of Lamourette: Reflections in Cultural History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990).Google Scholar On Quebec book culture, see especially Lamonde, Yvan, Territoires de la culture québécoise (Sainte-Foy, Qc: Presses de l'Université Laval, 1991)Google Scholar; Lamonde, Yvan, Histoire sociale des idées en Québec, vol. 1 (Saint-Laurent, Qc: Fides, 2000).Google Scholar Legal publishing in Quebec is discussed in Normand, Sylvio, “L'histoire de l'imprimé juridique: un champ de recherche inexploré,” McGill Law Journal 38 (1993): 130–46.Google Scholar Mainly quantitative studies include Veilleux, Christine, “Les gens de justice à Québec, 1760–1867” (Ph.D. thesis, Université Laval, 1990), 447–93Google Scholar and the contributions to L'histoire de la culture et de l'imprimé: hommages à Claude Galarneau, ed. Lamonde, Yvan and Galuchan, Gilles (Sainte-Foy, Qc.: Presses de l'Université Laval, 1996).Google Scholar A model of the insights possible from a study of this kind is Baker, G. Blaine, “The Reconstitution of Upper Canadian Legal Thought in the Late-Victorian Empire,” Law and History Review 3 (1985): 219–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Mignault, Pierre-Basile, Le droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil “de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, 9 vols. (Montreal: Whiteford & Théoret and Wilson & Lafleur, 1895–1916).Google Scholar See generally Normand, “L'histoire de l'imprimé juridique”; Normand, Sylvio, “Une analyse quantitative de la doctrine en droit civil québécois,” Cahiers de droit 23 (1982): 1009–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. E.g., Badgley, William, Remarks on Register Offices (Montreal: Herald Office, 1836)Google Scholar [CIHM no. 51143] (reprinting articles that originally appeared in the Montreal Herald); Bonner, John, An Essay on the Registry Laws of Lower Canada (Quebec: John Lövell, 1852)Google Scholar [CIHM no. 47999]; Ritchie, T. W., Codification of the Laws of Lower Canada: Some Remarks on the Title “Of Obligations” as Reported by the Commissioners (Montreal: John Lövell, 1863Google Scholar) [CIHM no. 40464]. Given the tabula rasa that the Quebec legal literary world presented in the early nineteenth century, such practical and local works were far more necessary than interpretive works of jurisprudence, which could readily be supplied through French and English imports.

13. E.g., [C. F. S. Langlier], “Observations sur le projet de Code civil du Bas-Canada,” Journal de Québec (27, 30 May; 1, 3, 6, 8, 10, 13, 17, 19, 22, 24, 27 June; 1, 15, 20 July; 5, 9 August 1865). On newspaper coverage of legal issues, see especially Morin, Michel, “La perception de l'ancien droit et du nouveau droit français au Bas-Canada, 1774—1866,” in Droit québécois et droit français: communauté, autonomie, concordance, ed. Glenn, H. Patrick (Cowansville, Qc: Yvon Biais, 1993), 1–4–1.Google Scholar

14. Doucet, Nicholas Benjamin, Fundamental Principles of the Laws of Canada: As They Existed under the Natives, As They Were Changed under the French Kings, and As They Were Modified and Altered under the Domination of England ([Montreal]: n.p., 1841)Google Scholar, title page [CIHM nos. 92324–25], http://www.canadiana.org/ECO/mtq?id=700d059d6d&doc=92324 (9 June 2003).

15. Lorimier, Charles-Chamilly de and Vilbon, C. A., La Bibliothèque du Code civil de la Province de Quebec (ci-devant Bas-Canada), 21 vols. (Montréal: Presses à vapeur de La Minerve [and other publishers], 1871–1890).Google Scholar Compare the monumental French codal commentaries such as Duranton, Alexandre, Cours de droit français suivant le code civil, 4th ed., 22 vols. (Brussels: Société Belge de librairie, 1841–1842)Google Scholar; Troplong, Raymond, Le droit civil expliqué suivant l'ordre du code, 28 vols. (Paris: Charles Hingray, 1838–1856)Google Scholar; and Demolombe, Charles, Cours de Code Napoléon, 31 vols. (Paris: Durand, 1845–1882).Google Scholar See also Normand, Sylvio and Saint-Hilaire, Maxime, “La Bibliothèque du Code civil: un ouvrage au confluent de la tradition et de la modernité,” Revue générale de droit 32 (2002): 305–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

16. On the culture of such societies in nineteenth-century Quebec, see Yvan Lamonde, “Les associations au Bas-Canada: de nouveaux marchés aux idées (1840–1867),” in Lamonde, Territoires de la culture québécoise, 105–16; Yvan Lamonde, “L'association culturelle au Québec au XIXe siècle: méthode d'enquête et premiers résultats,” in ibid., 149–60.

17. Sewell, Jonathan, An Essay on the Juridical History of France, So Far as It Relates to the Law of the Province of Lower-Canada: Read at a Special Meeting of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, the 31st Day of May, 1824 (Quebec: Thomas Cary, 1824), 34Google Scholar [CIHM no. 21165].

18. Sewell, Jonathan, “Essay Respecting the Juridical History of France: At the Meeting of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society …,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Montreal] 1 (September, 1846): 477–99.Google Scholar

19. Torrance, Frederick William, The Roman Law: A Lecture Delivered … in the Hall of the Court of Appeals, Montreal, on the 13th January, 1854, Introductory to a Course of Lectures on the Roman Law, in Connection with the Law Faculty of the University of McGill College (Montreal: H. Ramsay, 1854)Google Scholar [CIHM no. 10370]. An earlier example on a similar theme is R. Bouchette, S. M., “An Historical Essay on the Roman Law, as They Came down to Us in Corpus Juris Civilis, Read by R. S. M. Bouchette, Esquire, before the Montreal Law Students Society,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Montreal] 1 (March 1846): 241–56.Google Scholar

20. The very first article was an anonymous survey of the historical development of legal institutions in Canada, “Précis historique des divers systèmes de judicature, établis en Canada depuis la colonisation du pays jusqu'à aujourd'hui,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Montreal] 1 (October and December, 1845): 1–8, 97–102. Other examples are “De la codification des lois du Canada,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Montreal] 1 (May 1846): 337–41 (about which see below, note 106 and accompanying text); M., “Sur la nécessité que les étudians, les avocats et les juges connaissent l'histoire du droit,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Montreal] 1 (December, 1845): 102–6.

21. Other pre-codification legal periodicals, notably Lower Canada Reports (Quebec, 1851 ff.) and Lower Canada Jurist (Montreal, 1857ff.), concentrated exclusively on publishing reports of decided cases rather than doctrine. The Examiner: A Monthly Review of Legislation & Jurisprudence (Quebec, 1861) published both doctrine and reports of cases, but lasted only three months. See generally Raymonde Crête, Normand, Sylvio, and Copeland, Thomas, “Law Reporting in Nineteenth Century Quebec,” Journal of Legal History 16 (1995): 147–71.Google Scholar

22. A similar situation prevailed in procedure before its codification in 1867, as judges were forced to look to French writings, given the absence of local Quebec works; Brisson, Jean-Maurice, La formation d'un droit mixte: l'évolution de la procédure civile de 1774–1867 (Montreal: Themis, 1986), 56–58.Google Scholar

23. Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D.18, unnumbered sheet (draft of a letter).

24. General orientation on book auctions in Quebec can be found in Lamonde, Yvan and Olivier, Daniel, Les bibliothèques personnelles au Québec: inventaire analytique et préliminaire des sources (Montreal: Ministère des affaires culturelles, Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, 1983). 7–15.Google Scholar

25. Many of the books of Torrance, Mackay, and Wicksteed are now in the McGill law library, and successive bookplates and inscriptions chronicle their history. To cite just one example, Torrance seems to have purchased Meulen, W. Vander, Exercitationes in titulum digestorum de justitia et jure … (Utrecht: Gulielmus Van de Water, 1723)Google Scholar at the 1868 Stuart sale; see below, note 26.

26. Catalogue of the Library of the Late Hon. Sir James Stuart … (Quebec: Lövell & Lamoureux, 1854) [CIHM no. 29424]; Catalogue of the Law Library of the Late Hon. Sir James Stuart … (Quebec: Middleton & Dawson, 1867) [CIHM no. 25120]; Catalogue of the Library of the Late Hon. Sir James Stuart … (Montreal: John Lövell, 1868) [CIHM no. 54395].

27. Catalogue de la bibliothèque de feu Sir L. H. La Fontaine … (Montreal: Eusèbe Sénécal, [1864]) [CIHM no. 23196]; Catalogue Sale of Rare and Valuable French and English Books … the Balance of the Books Left Over from the Sale of the Chief Justice's Collection … (Montreal: John Lövell, 1864) [CIHM no. 91537].

28. Catalogues with manuscript prices indicated (in the copies filmed for the CIHM) include Catalogue de raretés bibliographiques Canadiennes … (Montreal: Au bureau de l'Ordre, 1869) [CIHM no. 00852]; Catalogue of the Library of the Late Hon. Mr. Justice Ramsay … (Montreal: n.p., [1887]) [CIHM no. 54198].

29. Normand, “L'histoire de l'imprimé juridique,” 141–42.

30. Catalogue des livres de jurisprudence … (Quebec: J. Nelson, 1801) [CIHM no. 41566].

31. The copy filmed for the CIHM includes manuscript prices; most items appear to have found buyers, including many for relatively high prices.

32. Catalogue des livres de jurisprudence …, 4. The works mentioned here seem to have been purchased by James Stuart, since identical editions appear in the catalogues of the sales of his collection.

33. Librairie de J. B. Rolland … (Montreal: J. B. Rolland, 1855), 51 [CIHM no. 34781].

34. Baker, G. Blaine, “Law Practice and Statecraft in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Montreal: The Torrance-Morris Firm, 1848 to 1868,” in Essays in the History of Canadian Law, vol. 4, Beyond the Law: Lawyers and Business in Canada, 1830 to 1930, ed. Wilton, C. (Toronto: Butterworths for Osgoode Society, 1990), 57.Google Scholar

35. Paradis, Jean-Marc, “Augustin-Norbert Morin (1803–1865)” (Ph.D. thesis, Université Laval, 1989), 402.Google Scholar Some of Morin's correspondance with Bossange can be found in Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D. 18, a folder containing Morin's wish lists and notes for standing orders of books. On Bossange, who spent time in Quebec before setting up shop in Paris, see Yvan Lamonde, “La librairie Hector Bossange de Montréal (1815–1819) et le commerce international du livre,” in Lamonde, Territoires de la culture québécoise, 181.

36. The history of these journals is outlined in Laferrière, Louis-Firmin-Julien, “Introduction historique,” in Tables analytiques de la Revue de legislation et de la Revue critique de législation et de jurisprudence précédées des tables de la Themis et de la Revue de droit français et étranger, ed. Coin-Delisle, M. and Million, M. (Paris: Cotillon. 1860), vi–xliv.Google Scholar More recently, see Kelley, Donald R., Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

37. Jourdan, Athanase, “Réponse du rédacteur,” Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 8 (1826): 115.Google Scholar Jourdan refers to the translation of chapter 24 of Savigny's Histoire du droit romain pendant le moyen âge.

38. Hugo, Gustav, “Exposé de quelques nouvelles découverts faites en Allemagne relativement au droit romain,” Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 3 (1821): 278–83Google Scholar; Savigny, Friedrich Carl von, “Lettre de M. De Savigny, professeur de droit à l'Université de Berlin, … sur l'Histoire de Cujas par M. Berriat-Saint-Prix,” Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 4 (1822): 193–207.Google Scholar Translations of excerpts from Savigny's works can be found at Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 8.2 (1826): 115–22 and Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 9 (1829): 281–88.

39. “Plan de l'ouvrage,” Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 1 (1819): 5–6.

40. Fœlix, J. J. G., “Du système et de l'objet du Journal,” Revue étrangère de législation et d'économie politique 1 (1834): 6.Google Scholar

41. The Revue critique (Paris, 1851–1939) was begun by Wolowski and others upon the demise of the Revue Wolowski. It proved to be much longer-lived than any of its predecessors, but largely turned away from their outre-Rhin emphasis. See generally Laferrière, “Introduction historique,” xliv–lvii.

42. Hemming, E. J., Catalogue of the Advocates' Library and Library of the Bar of Lower Canada, Section of the District of Montreal (Montreal: John Lövell, 1857), 26Google Scholar, 60 [CIHM no. 50761].

43. Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D.18, unnumbered sheet (draft of a letter).

44. It is worth noting, however, that given the varied legal sources comprising pre-codification Quebec law, even the modest working library of the simple practitioner needed some exotica. This was true as well in North America's other hybrid jurisdiction, Louisiana. See the inventories published in Franklin, Mitchell, “Libraries of Edward Livingston and of Moreau Lislet,” Tulane Law Review 15 (1941): 401–14.Google Scholar

45. See Christine Veilleux, “La bibliothèque du juge en chef James Stuart, 1853,” in L'histoire de la culture et de l'imprimé, 173. On Stuart's career, see Evelyn Kolish, “Stuart, Sir James,” in DCB, 8:842–45.

46. On his career, see Jacques Boucher, “Buchanan, Alexander,” in DCB, 8:109–10.

47. Catalogue of the Library of the Late Alexander Buchanan … (Montreal: Wm. Salter, 1852) [CIHM no. 54396].

48. Buchanan's eclectic collection compares to that of Joseph Story, which included a mix of civil and Common law works, both old and new. See Hoeflich, M. H., Roman and Civil Law and the Development of Anglo-American Jurisprudence in the Nineteenth Century (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 29–30.Google Scholar

49. I have not located these books in any Quebec collection; probably, like many nineteenth-century Quebec books, they ended up south of the border, where there were buyers anxious to acquire works on the civil law. See, e.g., Hoeflich, Michael H., “Savigny and His Anglo-American Disciples,” American Journal of Comparative Law 37 (1989): 17–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

50. Bibaud's handwritten catalogue to his library survives as Montreal, Fraser-Hickson Library, “Les archives de l'Institut Canadien de Montréal,” 7.11 Maximilien Bibaud, “Ma bibliothèque.” Interestingly, this catalogue has not been noticed in the literature on Bibaud, though it is noted (but listed as “Maximilien Bidaud” and unindexed) under the Canadian Institute (from where it passed to the Fraser Institute) in Lamonde, Yvan, Les bibliothèques de collectivités à Montréal (17e-19e siècle) (Montreal: Ministère des affaires culturelles. Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, 1979), 58.Google Scholar The current location of Bibaud's books is unknown.

51. Montreal, McGill University Archives, MG 4166, “Records of Montreal Judges, Lawyers and Law Firms ca. 1820–1890,” container 1, file number 00010, Torrance-Morris Firm, Letterbook. The records cover the years 1860–86, and generally note the date, the name of the borrower, the book borrowed, and whether it was returned. This source is identified and discussed in Baker, “Law Practice and Statecraft,” 65–66.

52. A catalogue, Hemming, Catalogue of the Advocates' Library, was published in 1857. See generally Lamonde, Yvan, Les bibliothèques de collectivités à Montréal (17e-19e siècle) (Montreal: Ministère des affaires culturelles, Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, 1979), 45Google Scholar; Rinfret, G. Edouard, Histoire du Barreau de Montréal, 2d ed. (Cowansville, Qc: Yvon Biais, 1999), 29–30, 44–45, 203–23.Google Scholar

53. Lamonde, Les bibliothèques de collectivités, 45.

54. Hemming, Catalogue of the Advocates' Library, 20, 34, 36, 38, 60, 64.

55. See Statutes and Rules for the Government of the Corporation of the Advocates' Library, Montreal (Montreal: James Starke, 1841). Access was somewhat loosened when the Advocates' Library came under the control of the Bar library in 1853, though in the early years not even all Montreal lawyers were given access to the collection. See Nantel, Maréchal, “La bibliothèque du barreau et les archives judiciaires de Montréal,” Revue du Barreau 6(1946): 59–60.Google Scholar

56. Torrance, The Roman Law, 9, 17, 24, 26, 27.

57. Young, Politics of Codification, 6.

58. For general orientation, see especially Reimann, Mathias, “Nineteenth-Century German Legal Science,” Boston College Law Review 31 (1990): 837–97Google Scholar, and, for earlier developments, Whitman, James Q., The Legacy of Roman Law in the German Romantic Era: Historical Vision and Legal Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

59. The main polemical works are reprinted in Thibaut und Savigny: Ihre programmatischen Schriften, ed. Hattenhauer, Hans (Munich: Franz Vahlen, 1973).Google Scholar The initial pamphlets that defined the terms of debate were Thibaut, A. F. J., Ueber die Notwendigkeit eines allgemeinen bürgerlichen Rechts für Deutschland (Heidelberg: Mohr und Zimmer, 1814)Google Scholar, reprinted in Thibaut und Savigny, 62–94; and Savigny, Friedrich Carl von, Vom Beruf unserer Zeit für Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft (Heidelberg: Mohr und Zimmer, 1814)Google Scholar, reprinted in Thibaut und Savigny, 95–192, translated as Savigny, Friedrich Carl von, Of the Vocation of Our Age for Legislation and Jurisprudence, trans. Hayward, Abraham (London: Littlewood, [1831]Google Scholar; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1975) [all quotations from this work are to Hayward's translation]. The general course of the debate is usefully set out in Hans Hattenhauer, “Einleitung,” in Thibaut und Savigny, 9–51.

60. On Savigny's reputation outside Germany, see Motte, Olivier, Savigny et la France (Bern: P. Lang, 1983)Google Scholar and Hoeflich, “Savigny,” 17–18, who discusses his fame in the United States.

61. Compare Hoeflich, M. H., “Translation & the Reception of Foreign Law in the Antebellum United States,” American Journal of Comparative Law 50 (2002): 753–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62. Compare Motte, Savigny et la France, 189, who makes a similar point with reference to Laboulaye.

63. Warnkönig, L. A., “De l'état actuel de la science du droit en Allemagne, et de la révolution qu'elle y a éprouvée dans le cours des trente dernières années,” Themis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 1 (1819): 23Google Scholar (emphasis in original). A similar view was voiced in Fœlix, J. J. G., “Du droit privé de l'Allemagne,” Revue étrangère de législation et d'économie politiques (1838): 695.Google Scholar

64. Warnkönig, “De l'état actuel de la science du droit en Allemagne,” 22.

65. Warnkönig, L. A., “De la science du droit en Allemagne, depuis 1815,” Revue étrangère et français de législation, de jurisprudence et d'économie politique 8 (1841): 215–16Google Scholar (emphasis in original).

66. Irving, David, An Introduction to the Study of the Civil Law, 4th ed. (London: A. Maxwell, 1837), 149, 147.Google Scholar On Irving and the development of his treatise, see Cairns, John W., “The Influence of the German Historical School in Early Nineteenth Century Edinburgh,” Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce 20 (1994): 195–98.Google Scholar

67. Reddie, John, Historical Notices of the Roman Law and of the Recent Progress of Its Study in Germany (Edinburgh: W. & C. Tait, 1826).Google Scholar On Reddie, see Cairns, “German Historical School,” 197–98.

68. Savigny, Friedrich Carl von, The History of the Roman Law during the Middle Ages, trans. Cathcart, E., vol. 1 (Edinburgh: Adam Black, 1829).Google Scholar Only the first volume of this translation ever appeared. Savigny's work was also translated into French as Histoire du droit romain au moyen-âge, trans. Guenoux, Charles, 4 vols, in 3 (Paris: Charles Hingray, 1839).Google Scholar

69. Lindley, Nathaniel, An Introduction to the Study of Jurisprudence: Being a Translation of the General Part of Thibaut's System des Pandektenrechts (London: W. Maxwell, 1855).Google Scholar

70. “Droit romain: lettre à M …., rédacteur de la Thémis,” Thémis, ou Bibliothèque du jurisconsulte 8 (1826): 109 (emphasis in original).

71. “Réponse du rédacteur,” 113.

72. Vuy, A., “De l'école historique et de l'école philosophique, par M. Thibaut,” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Paris] 10 (1839): 347–48.Google ScholarThibaut's, essay is “Über die sogenannte historische und nicht-historische Rechtsschule,” Archiv für civilistische Praxis 21 (1838): 391–419Google Scholar, reprinted in Thibaut und Savigny, 274–98.

73. Charles Giraud, Book review of Système du droit romain actuel by Savigny, Friedrich Carl von, Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Paris] 12 (1840): 419.Google Scholar

74. Savigny noted that “striving after a scientific foundation is not one of the national tendencies of the French” (Savigny, Of the Vocation of Our Age, 170), while Thibaut complained about the errors of “shallow French jurists” (Thibaut, Notwendigkeit, 69).

75. Chauffeur, Victor, “De la théorie et de la pratique dans la jurisprudence allemande.” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Paris] 26 (1846): 358.Google Scholar

76. Vuy, “De l'école historique et de l'école philosophique,” 347–48 (quoted above, note 72).

77. For instance, see the passage quoted above at note 65.

78. Chauffeur, “De la théorie et de la pratique dans la jurisprudence allemande.” 368.

79. Doucet, Fundamental Principles of the Laws of Canada, esp. 8–10.

80. Kelley, Historians, 75. On the wider influence of Gaius's Institutes, see Kelley, Donald R., “Gaius noster: Substructures of Western Social Thought,” American Historical Review 84 (1979): 619–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

81. American Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story, another Germanophile who could not read German, was similar; see Hoeflich, M. H., “Transatlantic Friendships and the German Influence on American Law in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century,” American Journal of Comparative Law 35 (1987): 604.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

82. See Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D.20 No. 1, Augustin-Norbert Morin, “Instructions pour Mr Faribault”; Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D.18 No. 24, Augustin-Norbert Morin, “Choix de livres allemands ou de livres de droit latins publiés en pays germaniques.” Georges-Barthélémy Faribault was charged in 1851 with purchasing books in London and Paris to replace those lost in the fire at the Legislative Assembly library. In 1867 these books would be sent to Ottawa to form the core of the parliamentary library. See Noppen, Luc and Deschênes, Gaston, Quebec's Parliament Building: Witness to History, trans. Meredith, R. Clive and Pratt, Audrey (Quebec: Gouvernement du Québec, 1986), 188–91.Google Scholar I am grateful to Phyllis Rudin for this reference.

83. Saint-Hyacinthe, A Fg 5 D.18 is a folder containing these and other lists by Morin regarding books and booksellers.

84. This picture of Quebec is paralleled in France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. See, respectively, Kelley, Historians, 72–84; Cairns, “German Historical School”; Hoeflich, “Savigny.”

85. Brierley, J. E. C., “Quebec's Civil Law Codification: Viewed and Reviewed,” McGill Law Journal 14 (1968): 521–89Google Scholar is still indispensible, though now the story is fleshed out in Young, Politics of Codification. Recent work on more specific aspects of codification includes Normand, Sylvio, “La codification de 1866: contexte et impact,” in Droit québécois et droit français: communauté, autonomie, concordance, ed. Glenn, H. Patrick (Cowansville, Qc: Yvon Biais, 1993), 43–62Google Scholar; Greenwood, Murray, “Lower Canada (Quebec): Transformation of Civil Law, from Higher Morality to Autonomous Will, 1774–1866,” Manitoba Law Journal 23 (1996): 132–82Google Scholar; Morin, “La perception de l'ancien droit”; Cairns, John W., “Employment in the Civil Code of Lower Canada: Tradition and Political Economy in Legal Classification and Reform,” McGill Law Journal 32 (1987): 673–709Google Scholar; Normand, Sylvio and Hudon, Alain, “Le contrôle des hypothèques secrètes au XIXe siècle: ou la difficile conciliation de deux cultures juridiques et de deux communautés ethniques,” Revue de droit immobilier (1990): 171–201.Google Scholar

86. S.C. 1857, c. 43 (hereafter Codification Act). The codification of procedure is discussed in Brisson, La formation d'un droit mixte.

87. The seven reports (plus a supplement) were issued between October 1861 and November 1864 and were collected and published as Civil Code of Lower Canada: First, Second and Third [Fourth and Fifth, etc.] Reports (Quebec: George E. Desbarats, 1865).

88. S.C. 1865, c. 41.

89. I have not been able to locate a catalogue of Caron's library, nor have I been able to investigate his papers, held at the Musée de la civilisation in Quebec City. Caron's plan for the commission betrayed little interest in the arcana of European doctrine, but information about his private views on European jurisprudence must await further study.

90. “Codification des lois,” Editorial, Journal de Québec (7 April 1857).

91. Cartier, George-Etienne, “Discours de l'hon. M. Cartier sur le Code Civil,” La Minerve (4 February 1865).Google Scholar

92. On Day's innovations, see Young, Politics of Codification, 168–72; Brierley. “Quebec's Civil Law Codification,” 568–70; Greenwood, “Lower Canada (Quebec),” 178–81.

93. Brierley provides an inventory and analysis of these papers in “Quebec's Civil Law Codification,” 575–80.

94. Quebec, Musée de la civilisation. Fonds d'archives du Séminaire de Québec, Fonds René-Edouard Caron, “Notes générales.” I have not seen the original, but have used the typescript transcription by J. E. C Brierley, deposited in the McGill law library.

95. Ibid., 71–72. Brierley's transcription reads “en France & [là],” but the sense suggests Louisiana, whose code and jurisprudence the codifiers studied closely. I thank Nicholas Kasirer for this suggestion.

96. Ibid., 19–22 (emphasis in original).

97. Ibid., 106.

98. Ibid., 19. For example, Caron cites an anonymous article from the journal in his notes on hypothecs (ibid., 65): “Code civil. Livre III, Titre 18. Des privilèges et hypothèques. Notions générales et préliminaires. (Manuscrit inédit de Toullier)” Revue de législation et de jurisprudence [Paris] 5 (1836–37): 190.

99. Caron, “Notes générales,” 80.

100. Ibid., 59 (emphasis in original). The article cited is entitled “Lord Brougham & the Law Reform,” though I have not been able to verify its exact content.

101. McCord, Thomas, “Abbreviations,” in The Civil Code of Lower Canada, ed. McCord, Thomas (Montreal: Dawson Brothers, 1867), xliii–liGoogle Scholar [CIHM no. 40178].

102. Articles 6 and 986 C.C.L.C. respectively. The passages cited (the former from Savigny's System, the latter from the Droit romain) are set out in Lorimier and Vilbon, La bibliothèque du Code civil, 1:102–6 and 7:673–76.

103. Civil Code of Lower Canada: First Report, 6.

104. Ibid., 8.

105. Kolish, Evelyn, Nationalismes et conflits de droits: le débat du droit privé au Québec, 1760–1840 (Montreal: Hurtubise HMH, 1994), 138.Google Scholar

106. “De la codification.” The parallels to Carrier's program are pointed out in Brierley. “Quebec's Civil Law Codification,” 530, and Morel, André, “La codification devant l'opinion publique de l'époque,” in Livre du centenaire du code civil I: le droit dans la vie familiale, ed. Boucher, Jacques and Morel, André (Montreal: Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 1970), 33.Google Scholar

107. “De la codification,” 338, 337, 338, 341.

108. On the chaos topos, see Marcus, Letter to the Editor, La Minerve (4 April 1857) (bemoaning “the maze of a jurisprudence”); “Codification des lois” (emphasizing “the pressing necessity of untangling the chaos of our laws”); and “Le Code,” Editorial, Journal de Québec (26 November 1864) (complaining about “this maze of our laws”). On the topos of progress, see Langlier, “Observations.” See generally Kolish, Evelyn, “The Impact of Change in Legal Metropolis on the Development of Lower Canada's Legal System: Judicial Chaos and Legislative Paralysis in the Civil Law, 1791–1838,” Canadian Journal of Law and Society 3 (1988): 1–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Howes, David, “From Polyjurality to Monojurality: The Transformation of Quebec Law, 1875–1929.” McGill Law Journal 32 (1987): 526–32.Google Scholar

109. Thibaut, Notwendigkeit, 70 (bemoaning “the entire jumble of wretched dismembered fragments [of Roman law that] leads to a labyrinth of risky, shaky asst'mptions”); Jeremy Bentham, “Papers Relative to Codification and Public Instruction,” in Bentham, “Legislator of the World”: Writings on Codification, Law, and Education, ed. Schofield, Philip and Harris, Jonathan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 20Google Scholar; for Field, see Reimann, Mathias, “The Historical School Against Codification: Savigny, Carter, and the Defeat of the New York Civil Code,” American Journal of Comparative Law 37 (1989): 102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

110. See Brierley, J. E. C. and Macdonald, R. A., Quebec Civil Law: An Introduction to Quebec Private Law (Toronto: Emond Montgomery, 1993), 34.Google Scholar

111. On contemporaries' reactions, see generally Morel, “La codification devant l'opinion publique”; Young, Politics of Codification, 106–12.

112. Marcus, Letter to the Editor.

113. Savigny, Of the Vocation of Our Age, 182.

114. Ritchie, Codification of the Laws of Lower Canada, 4–5.

115. Thibaut, Notwendigkeit, 74.

116. See Postema, Gerald J., Bentham and the Common Law Tradition, corrected ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 425–26.Google Scholar

117. Cartier, “Discours.” The parallels to Savigny are evident: “The Historical School assumes that the stuff of the law comes from the entire past of the nation, but not through arbitrariness, so that by chance it can be either this or that. Rather, it comes out of the innermost being of the nation itself and its history”; von Savigny, F. C., “Über den Zweck dieser Zeitschrift,” Zeitschrift für geschichtliche Rechtswissenschaft 1 (1815): 1–12Google Scholar, reprinted in Thibaut und Savigny, 264.

118. Langlier, “Observations.” The work appeared anonymously, but Thomas McCord identifies Langlier as the author in the preface to his edition of the code; Thomas McCord, “Preface,” in Civil Code of Lower Canada, ed. McCord, ix-x. The article is a response to an earlier critique on the marriage provisions of the draft code, Bellefeuille, Edouard Lefebvre de, “Code civil du Bas-Canada: législation sur le mariage,” Revue Canadienne 1 (1864): 602–19Google Scholar, 654–72, 731–48 and 2 (1865): 30–44, but Langlier's piece ranges much mou widely, presenting a rambling discourse on the merits of codification in general and the strengths of the Quebec commissioners' work in particular.

119. Langlier, “Observations,” 27 May [unpaginated].

120. Savigny, Of the Vocation of Our Age, 137.

121. Ibid., 27.

122. Langlier, “Observations,” 27 May [impaginateci].

123. Ibid.

124. Ibid., 6 June [unpaginated].

125. Greenwood, “Lower Canada (Quebec),” 174. Examples include “Codification des lois,” which argued against bilingualism in favor of a French-only text, and Ritchie, Codification of the Laws of Lower Canada, who suggested numerous changes to the articles on obligations. See also Morel, “La codification devant l'opinion publique,” 40.

126. Lefebvre de Bellefeuille, “Code civil du Bas-Canada.” See especially the discussion in Morel, “La codification devant l'opinion publique,” 31–32; Greenwood, “Lower Canada (Quebec),” 175–76; Young, Politics of Codification, 119.

127. Morel, “La codification devant l'opinion publique,” 42.

128. On Bibaud, see the literature cited above, note 4, as well as Young, Politics of Codification, 81–84; Massicotte, E.-Z., “Quelques notes sur Maximilien Bibaud,” Bulletin des recherches historiques 52 (1946): 90–93Google Scholar; Perrault, Arthur, “Bibliographie des oeuvres de Maximilien Bibaud,” Themis: Revue juridique 2 (1951): 31–33.Google Scholar

129. An example of his working method, which alienated much of the Quebec legal community, is his Notice historique sur l'enseignement du droit en Canada (Montreal: Louis Perrault, 1862) [CIHM no. 26193] and its companion Supplément à la Notice historique sur l'enseignement du droit ([Montreal?]: L. Perrault, [1862?]) [CIHM no. 92948], which comprise a brief historical survey of the state of legal education, followed by a long and only thinly disguised advertisement for his school. Many of Bibaud's other ostensibly scholarly works drift quickly into self-promotion.

130. Montreal, Concordia University, Vanier Library, Special Collections D 7 B5, “Maximilien Bibaud, Manuscripts on History, French Canada, Law, and Religion, 1847–84,” no. 12, L'Histoire du Canada ou Annales canadiennes modelés sur l'Abrégé chronologique du Président Hénaut (1868), vol. 4 [unpaginated].

131. François-Maximilien Bibaud, “Développement de deux points des Observations sur le projet de code candien,” in Bibaud, Exégèse de jurisprudence (N.p., [1861?]), 16 [CIHM no. 39211].

132. Bibaud, François-Maximilien, Corrigé du code civil avec un sommaire des lois nouvelles ([Montreal: Cérat et Bourguignon, 1865?]Google Scholar; “Se vend avec les Commentaires sur les lois du Bas-Canada”), 9–10 [CIHM no. 49003 (misdated as [1854?])].

133. Bibaud, “Développement,” 16. Similar ideas appear in an anonymous article, “Du droit du Bas-Canada,” The Examiner: A Monthly Review of Legislation and Jurisprudence 1 (January-February 1861): 8–13, 21–26 [CIHM no. 05066–010348], which Michel Morin has suggested was Bibaud's work; Morin, “La perception de l'ancien droit,” 23 n. 151.

134. Bibaud, “Étude du droit,” 18 April [unpaginated].

135. Bibaud, “Observations,” 12.

136. On Heineccius's thought, see generally Kelley, “Gaius noster,” 639–40; Stein, Peter, Legal Evolution: The Story of an Idea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 53–54Google Scholar; Robinson, Olivia F., Fergus, T. David, and Gordon, William M., European Legal History: Sources and Institutions, 2d ed. (London: Butterworths, 1994), 219.Google Scholar

137. Bibaud, Commentaires, 28. Bibaud follows this passage with a Latin quotation from Heineccius advocating that students read widely in the works of authors like Ulrich Huber and Arnold Vinnius.

138. Bibaud. “Observations.” 8; Bibaud. Corrigé du code civil. 8.

139. Bibaud, François-Maximilien. Essai de logique judiciaire: ouvrage qui doit servir d'appréciation, et sur quelques po[in]ts. d'antirrihétique de la Logique juridicaire publiée à Paris, en 1841. par M. Hortensias de St.-Albin … (Montreal: De Montigny. 1853). 155–56 [CIHM no. 32739].Google Scholar

140. Bibaud. “Étude du droit.” 15 April [unpaginated].

141. Useful parallels might be drawn with the reception of foreign jurisprudence elsewhere. See, for example, Jacobson, Stephen, “Law and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Europe: The Case of Catalonia in Comparative Perspective,” Law and History Review 20 (2002): 338–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

142. Bentham, “Papers Relative to Codification,” 117.

143. Jeremy Bentham, “Codification Proposal, Addressed by Jeremy Bentham to All Nations Professing Liberal Opinions,” in Bentham, “Legislator of the World,” 244.

144. Bibaud, for example, mentions Bentham on numerous occasions, and Bentham's writings were regularly reported and translated in French periodicals. See generally Morin, Michel, “Portalis v. Bentham? The Objectives Ascribed to Codification of the Civil Law and the Criminal Law in France, England and Canada,” in Law Commission of Canada, Perspectives on legislation: Essays from the 1999 Legal Dimensions Initiative (Ottawa: Law Commission of Canada, 2000), 125–197Google Scholar.

145. For Portalis, in preparing a code “the great art is to simplify all while foreseeing all.” See Portalis, Jean-Etienne-Marie, “Discours préliminaire sur le projet de Code civil,” in Discours, rapports et travaux inédits sur le Code civil (Paris: Joubert, 1844Google Scholar; reprint Caen: Centre de Philosophie politique et juridique, 1989), 6. Articles by and about Portalis appeared periodically in both the Revue Wolowski and the Montreal Revue de législation et jurisprudence.

146. This view of legal change is implicit in the Codification Act, and more explicit evocations of evolutionist ideas can be found for example in many of Bibaud's writings against the commission's work. See also Brierley, “Quebec's Civil Law Codification,” 565–66, and see generally Stein, Legal Evolution, 122–23.

147. On the conservatism of the codifiers, especially as regards their use of sources, see especially Morel, André, “L'émergence du nouvel ordre juridique instauré par le Code civil du Bas Canada (1866–1890),” in Le nouvel Code civil: interprétation et application. Les Journées Maximilien-Caron 1992 (Montreal: Themis, 1993), 52–53, 58–59.Google Scholar The same is true of the commissioners' use of Roman law; see Normand, Sylvio and Fyson, Donald, “Le droit romain comme source du Code civil du Bas Canada,” La revue du notariat 103 (2001): 87–113.Google Scholar

148. It is worth pointing out (though the subject is beyond the scope of this article) that even Judge Day's facilitation of commerce in his reworking of the law of obligations was based closely on Pothier and was certainly not presented as a revolution, but rather as incremental changes “likely to be found practically the most convenient and beneficial”; Civil Code of Lower Canada: First Report, 32.

149. Brierley, “Quebec's Civil Law Codification,” 526–42. See also the discussion in Kasirer, Nicholas, “Canada's Criminal Law Codification Viewed and Reviewed,” McGill Law-Journal 35 (1990): 848.Google Scholar

150. Quoted, from his De l'enseignement du droit en France et des réformes dont il a besoin (Paris, 1839), in Motte, Savigny et la France, 119. Laboulaye was urging his fellow French jurists to look to Germany.

151. Savigny, Of the Vocation of Our Age, 18, 73.

152. Ibid., 76–77.

153. “An Historical Essay on the Roman Law,” 253 (emphasis in original).

154. Sénécal, Denis, “Cabinet de lecture Aproissial: lecture de Monsieur Denis Sénécal (étudiant en droit) sur Pothier,” La Minerve (20, 23, 27 January 1858).Google Scholar

155. Bouchette, “An Historical Essay on the Roman Law,” 254.

156. Moreover, as Brisson points out (La formation d'un droit mixte, 143–44), this conservatism facilitated acceptance of the code (of private law as well as of procedure) by fundamentally conservative judges and lawyers.

157. This is clearly illustrated in the development of Quebec matrimonial property law, as discussed in Brisson, Jean-Maurice and Kasirer, Nicholas, “The Married Woman in Ascendance, the Mother Country in Retreat: From Legal Colonialism to Legal Nationalism in Quebec Matrimonial Law Reform, 1866–1991,” in Canada's Legal Inheritances, ed. Guth, DeLloyd J. and Pue, W. Wesley (Winnipeg: Canadian Legal History Project, 2001), 409–13, 422–23.Google Scholar

158. This trend toward jurisprudential monism became more pronounced in Quebec after 1866. See especially Morel, “L'émergence du nouvel ordre juridique,” 62–63; Glenn, H. Patrick, “Quebec: Mixité and Monism,” in Studies in Legal Systems: Mixed and Mixing, ed. Örücü, Esin, Attwooll, Elspeth, and Coyle, Sean (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1996). 1–15Google Scholar; Brierley, John E. C., “Quebec's ‘Common Laws’ (Droits communs): How Many Are There?” in Melanges Louis-Philippe Pigeon, ed. Caparros, Ernest et al. (Montreal: Wilson & Lafleur, 1989), 119.Google Scholar For a similar phenomenon in common-law Canada, see Baker, “Reconstitution of Upper Canadian Legal Thought.”

159. This jurisprudential comfort factor is explored in Morel, “L'émergence du nouvel ordre juridique,” 58–59.