The general pattern of agricultural performance in Africa south of the Sahara is rather bleak. Various publications sketch a picture of decreasing output, food shortages, rising imports, soil erosion, famine, and even mass starvation. The annual rate of change of the total agricultural and food production for sub-Saharan Africa compares unfavourably with the already disquieting figures for the developing world in general. The data reflect a serious situation which is all the more alarming because of the enormous importance throughout the continent of the farming sector. Indeed, this is the single largest contributor to G.D.P. in many African economies: more than 80 per cent of the labour force in almost half of these countries are employed in agriculture, and for most of them it provides over 50 per cent of their export earnings.

The pattern of rapid economic growth in the Ivory Coast since the early 1950s has been frequently described with some hyperbole, by foreign experts and Ivorian politicians, as an economic ‘miracle’. While most African nations, with the exception of the oil-exporters, have taken a rough ride on the economic roller-coaster during the past two decades, and while some like Guinea, Ghana, and Uganda, have followed a steadily downward trajectory, the economic fortunes of the Ivory Coast have improved consistently.

A common problem in primary-producing countries is that commodity price instability causes substantial variation in government revenues. A conceptually simple yet rarely used domestic policy measure intended to smooth annual fiscal receipts is the establishment of a development stabilisation fund. The need for such a fund in Zambia and its modus operandi are discussed in the context of a review of budgetary performance since 1965. A simulation suggests that substantial smoothing could be achieved, but that the fund could not overcome a prolonged depression of copper prices such as occurred in the years after 1975.

The widespread perception that South Africa is moving inexorably towards violent confrontation has led to increasing attention being paid to consociationalism as providing a potentially workable framework whereby the White minority's present monopoly of political power could be nudged towards a democratic form of rule in a reasonably just, evolutionary, and non-violent manner. Not surprisingly, most such speculation has been undertaken by those of either a liberal or a genuinely conservative (as opposed to reactionary) bent who, whilst certainly evincing some apprehension that racial polarisation could result in the overthrow of the existing capitalist order, register rather more concern that any prolonged violent conflict would entail not only the sheer human misery that is the inevitable accompaniment of war, but would also be massively destructive of any long-term prospects for political stability, economic growth, racial harmony or, more simply, any form of reasonably decent society.

In most traditional African societies, the relationship of the individual to the community is clearly defined from birth. Each child soon comes to understand his special relationship to his extended family, and to the historical founders of his ethnic group. Hereditary lines trace ancestral origins, and names reflect ties to past generations as well as those yet to come. From the very beginning the child understands that he is not alone, and that he is an integral member of a distinct group with traditional responsibilities and expectations. He perceives himself not as a solitary individual who must discover his own meaning in life, but rather identifies with the legendary history and social values of his clan. These inherited ties to the past, present, and future prove to be of tremendous benefit to the individual, and provide a shared sense of order and security.

A central feature of the Bechuanaland Protectorate was the wide jurisdiction accorded to the tribal chief or kgosi by the Administration. These traditional leaders were allowed by the colonial authorities to retain a considerable measure of autonomy and were able to regulate nearly all aspects of tribal life.

A consultant is not expected to report that he cannot explain why things are the way they are. Such a conclusion tends to undermine belief in the expert as well as on the part of the client. It can, however, be the true state of affairs. In our opinion there is ample reason to admit to ignorance as regards the causes of widespread administrative inertia in the Third World, where bureaucracies often just do not function: letters are not replied to, appointments are kept haphazardly, and rules are either absent or referred to in the extreme. Bureaucratic behaviour is, as a result, often highly unpredictable for citizens. This is especially painful when it concerns necessities. In Zambia, for example, it is virtually impossible to travel or look for work without identification documents, but in the rural areas, people may have cycled for 20 or 30 kilometres to the headquarters of the District in order to get a National Registration Card only to find that the civil servant responsible is away for an undetermined period.

[Windhoek, 1977]…fellow-workers…the weak point we have [to remedy] in order to change the system is unity and co-operation. And we must not distinguish whether some workers are sleeping in a compound and some are staying in the single quarters and some in the so-called locations. All of us who are exploited, we blacks, we must know that we are all workers. We workers want to be in unity. We workers in Namibia, we want to unite. It doesn't matter what kind of work he is doing, each and every worker should come into that union. After such unity and co-operation have been established, it is only then that it will be possible to campaign for better working conditions, for higher wages and to embark on any other action which will change the working conditions.

The potter is regarded as one of the few truly ‘traditional’ craftsmen still operating in West Africa. But, though the resilience of the craft has been noted, a general decline in its significance is accepted. Nor is this simply a matter of numbers. Nearly 40 years ago, K. C. Murray commented that ‘Pottery, which is one of the most important indigenous crafts in Nigeria, has escaped progress altogether. The traditional work has remained unchanged, except that in recent years its quality has declined’. Much of the responsibility for this state of affairs has been placed on the ‘primitive’ nature of both the product and the craft, as well as the easy availability of metal and enamelware substitutes as a direct result of colonial penetration.