Why are ‘growth coalitions’ involving business interest groups and governments so rare in Africa? How has democratisation affected the possibilities for growth coalitions? In three cases with varying degrees of democracy – Mauritius, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – we find that hypotheses about growth coalitions that place importance on the organisation of the business sector are generally borne out. Yet even when the business community is organised in an ‘ideal’ manner, growth coalitions still depend on factors within the state: leadership, ideas, and capacity. Democratisation has a mixed effect. We find that in the case of Zambia, business–state relations did not improve despite a pro-democracy stance by business and the pro-business agenda of the democratic government coming to power in 1991. In Zimbabwe, the erosion of democracy reduced business access to state elites, breaking up a growth coalition that initially showed considerable promise. In Mauritius, the strengthening of democracy has paralleled the deepening of the growth coalition, and both have been reinforced by a strong economy. Our study shows that growth coalitions are possible in Africa; the key lies in determining the conditions under which such coalitions can be sustained in Africa's fragile polities.

Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.

Refugees impose a variety of security, economic and environmental burdens on host countries, but also embody a significant flow of resources in the form of international humanitarian assistance, economic assets and human capital. These refugee resources represent an important statebuilding contribution to the host state, but security problems and other hindrances inhibit the state's ability to access and control them. This article explores the challenges and opportunities for African states arising from the double impact of refugee-generated resources and security problems. It argues that the potential benefit for the state and its citizens go beyond the burdens imposed by a mass influx. Refugee resources and security threats potentially provide long-term gains, and, by compelling the state to strengthen its grip on border areas, enable the state to ‘harden’ its presence there. However, for host states to realise the potential of refugee resources and continue hosting refugees, they must be assisted by appropriate humanitarian programmes.

In the 1970s politics in Tanzania was substantially a bureaucratic affair. Since the 1980s, however, economic liberalisation, multiparty democracy and governance reforms have on the one hand introduced measures conducive to building a legal-rational bureaucracy and a liberal civil society, and on the other accelerated political struggle for economic resources through personalised regional networks. Paraphrasing Emmanuel Terray, the first trend is described in this article as the manufacture of ‘air-conditioned’ politics, the second as the growth of ‘veranda’ politics. The article argues that donor reforms are not leading in a straight line to liberal governance, but neither is civil society simply being colonised by patrimonial networks. Rather, both ‘air-conditioned’ politics and ‘veranda’ politics are advancing simultaneously, inundating a previously bureaucratised political sphere. The dual character of this ‘re-politicisation’ makes the fate of governance reforms exceedingly difficult to predict.

In 2000, Ghana's landmark elections ushered in a new era of democracy. Scholars, however, have yet to scrutinise the structural underpinnings of the country's electoral system. This article offers a detailed assessment of Ghana's bloated voters' register, patterns of voter turnout and the lingering accusation of electoral irregularities in the Volta and Ashanti Regions in the 2000 elections. Most significantly, it critically analyses the severe malapportionment of the country's 200 parliamentary seats. While the 2000 elections helped to consolidate the democratic process in Ghana, structural inequalities continue to plague the country's electoral system.

Press Corporation, a large diversified Malawian company, was the personal property of Kamuzu Banda who ruled Malawi as a dictator for thirty years from independence in 1964. The history of Press is analysed in order to generate insights into the relationship between politics and economics in Africa. Comparative references are made to the experience of East Asian countries, as there are important similarities between their development paths and that of Malawi under Banda. The activities of Press Corporation were, in general, similar to parastatal companies elsewhere in Africa but, unlike the latter, Press was profitable and viable as a commercial entity. This challenges the idea that there is a compelling logic in African patrimonialist politics which necessitates parasitism on the economy. The experience of Press points to the value of such large multisectoral companies, as they can mobilise scarce local savings and channel them as venture capital into areas where investment has large external benefits, while the discipline of the profit and loss account in the company is not lost.