The 55 countries and territories of Africa can be classified today from the monetary point of view into six major groups. Of these, four are monetary areas based on the currency of the former or actual metropolitan country: the French franc, the pound sterling, the Portuguese escudo, and the Spanish peseta. The sterling area includes the area of the South African rand; and finally there is a group of independent countries, some with very new central banks and others with a longer tradition of monetary independence.

Among the states of Africa, Algeria has been one of the most active participants in international politics. Its leaders have defended their considerable concern with foreign policy by arguing that the distribution of world power is a major variable in the success of the country's development objectives. Aware that many Third-World states have not attributed the same importance to the international situation, Algerians have insisted that it is in the general interest of the Third World to increase its influence in world politics. In the absence of economic and military strength, Algeria has emphasised political consciousness as an instrument to defend the interests of the developing countries. This approach has been particularly important in Algeria's relations with black Africa. This article is intended as a study in inter-African politics, examining the impact of Algeria's African policy upon the inter- African system and, to some extent, upon the Algerian political system.

The last decade has witnessed a rapid development of economic relations between the Soviet Union and independent African countries. In examining certain economic and geographical aspects of this development, it should be borne in mind that Soviet–African economic relations are a quite new trend in world affairs. Before World War II the Soviet Union's foreign trade was conducted mainly with the advanced capitalist countries. Since the majority of the under-developed countries were very limited. Egypt was the only African country trading with the Soviet Union at the end of the 1920s. But Great Britain, then dominating Egypt, blocked any trade agreement between the two states. The volume of trade between them was very small, and at the beginning of World War II it ceased almost completely.

In the 1958 referendum on the constitution of the Fifth Republic, General de Gaulle asked the French West African territories whether they wanted continued association with France in the Community; if they voted ‘No’, this meant immediate independence, which was chosen by Guinea alone.

There was widespread sentiment, in those territories which voted ‘Yes’, in favour of some type of federation for the former A.O.F. (L'Afrique occidentale française). Long an advocate of this idea, Leopold Senghor of Senegal presented a constitution for a West African federation to the other A.O.F. leaders in October 1958. Senegal, Dahomey, Upper Volta, and Soudan all empowered their governments to enter into the proposed federation; Niger, Mauretania, and Ivory Coast said nothing. The four territories which responded to the call for unity sent delegations to meetings of federalists, in Bamako in December 1958, and then in Dakar, at which time a constituent assembly met and drafted a constitution. The work was finished and approved without discussion in three days.

Our understanding of educational processes is often obscured by ideological considerations. This is very well illustrated in the common term, ‘assimilation’, used to characterise European colonial policy towards Africa. Thus it is often asserted that French authorities promoted the emergence of a class of ‘black Frenchmen’, with values, aspirations, and cognitive styles analogous to those of European educational institutions. In contrast, the British have been viewed as repudiating such a notion in their system of indirect rule, which attempted accommodation with Africa and aimed at perpetuating African existing social organisations.

As the result of recent demographic research, we now have a reasonable basis for estimating rates of birth, death, and population growth in subSaharan Africa. These findings suggest that fertility is higher, and mortality lower, than had previously been assumed. This combination of high fertility and declining mortality implies a high rate of population growth. The compatibility of such a growth rate with existing plans for social and economic development is doubtful. This article examines the findings and issues, and seeks to determine the feasibility of population control in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies in Uppsala acted as host for this conference and, together with the Swedish Federation of Co-operatives (K.F.), sponsored and financially supported it.

This three-day national conference was organised by the Extension Services Department of the Institute of Administration at Ahmadu Bello University, at the suggestion of the Nigerian Society for Public Administration. It was attended by chairmen, general managers, and secretaries of the major public corporations, delegates from government ministries responsible for public corporations, trade union representatives, and university teachers.

This two-day conference, co-sponsored by Georgetown's Summer School and Center for Strategic and International Studies, was attended by 150 people interested in this important subject. Directed by Dr William H. Lewis and Dr James D. Farrell, the conference brought together authorities on African political and military affairs for an open discussion of the present and possible future roles of the military in African politics.

Between 1960 and 1970 decolonisation under the auspices of the U.N. has produced issues which were not foreseen by the drafters of the Charter in 1945. If decolonisation from 1945 to 1960 was governed by the general provisions of Chapters XI, XII, and XIII of the Charter relating to non-selfgoverning and trust territories, the last decade's efforts in the same area have been governed by principles enunciated in the Declaration on Independence adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1960 and by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. The latter period also witnessed action by the United Nations, for the first time in its history, under Chapter VII of the Charter, which deals with enforcement measures.

F.A.O.'s Indicative World Plan for Agricultural Development is an effort to analyse the major problems which will confront agriculture in the developing countries in the 1970s and early 1980s, and to suggest the most important ways in which national and international action can solve them.

As the economic development of a country occurs, and its income per capita rises, an economic transformation takes place. The importance of both production and employment in agriculture, as proportions of total production and total employment, declines. This structural transformation of the less-developed economy from one dominated by agriculture to one dominated by non-agriculture has occurred in every country which has experienced a sustained rise in income per capita. Because the transformation has occurred in every successful development effort so far, we have reason to suspect that structural transformation is a concomitant of economic development, and will occur in the future as the less-developed countries experience economic development.

It would be naïve to suppose that any one variable could ensure the success of planned change. The factors contributing to failure and success are numerous, and the possible interrelations between them immensely complex. The acceptability of the innovator is therefore no more than a small part of the success of a development project. But, if the analysis of one specific example of this single factor allows a better understanding of one necessary condition of change, it will also increase the possibility of control over one potential area of failure.