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³ Wright, John, in Transformation (Durban), 13, 1990.Google Scholar

⁴ van Niekerk, Phillip, in Globe & Mail (Toronto), 3 04 1991.Google Scholar

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⁶ Collins, Peter, ‘Pigs, Farmers and Other Animals’, in The Watershed Years (Cape Town, 1991), p. 96.Google Scholar

⁷ Taylor, Rupert, ‘The Myth of Ethnic Division: township conflict on the Reef’, in Race and Class (London), 33, 2, 10–12 1991, p. 14.Google Scholar

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⁹ Saul, loc. cit. p. 14.

¹⁰ O'Meara, Dan, ‘The New National Party and the Politics of Negotiation’, in Innes, Duncan et al. (eds.), Democracy and the Workplace: politics, labour and business in South Africa (Cape Town, forthcoming).Google Scholar

¹¹ See Amanda Gowes, ‘Political Intolerance’, and Schlemmer, Lawrence, ‘The Mind of the Townships’, in Vrye Weekblad/Sowetan, Quarterly State of the Nation Report (Johannesburg), Winter 1991.Google Scholar

¹² Frederickson, George M., ‘African Americans and Africans’, in New York Review of Books, 26 September 1991.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ SouthScan (London), 17 01 1992.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For example, Inkatha is reported to have received more than DM16 million (U.S. $9·6 million) during the 1980s from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Germany, and the ultraconservative Heritage Foundation in the United States claims Buthelezi as its favoured black ally. It should be noted that the U.S. Agency for International Development granted R7 million to Inkatha in 1991, as against R12·5 million for the A.N.C.

¹⁶ Tygesen, Peter, in Africa Report (New York), 01–02 1991, pp. 50–6.Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Price, Robert M., The Apartheid State in Crisis: political transformation in South Africa, 1975–1990 (New York and Oxford, 1991), p. 294.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Saul, loc. cit. p. 16.

²⁰ For a descriptive account of unofficial state violence, see Lawrence, Patrick, Death Squads: apartheid's secret weapon (Johannesburg, 1991). In light of the atrocities on A.N.C. activists, it is remarkable that the organisation has absorbed some of the chief perpetrators. It would seem to carry forgiveness to its extreme when cold-blooded murderers are accepted as legitimate members of the A.N.C. after undergoing a change of mind and exposing their masters.Google Scholar

²¹ No policeman likes to be attacked, no matter how close his beliefs are to his adversaries. Had the A.W.B. approched the police cordon in Ventersdorp with flowers instead of baseball bats, iron rods, and hunting rifles, the response might have been different. Steeled in vicious battles with the A.N.C., many of the 1,600 Afrikaner policemen were initially hesitant and confused but eventually let loose with Alsatian dogs, tear-gas, and live ammunition against half-drunken hordes led by respected elders. The scene became a village brawl, with the police claiming to defend freedom of speech and the right-wing the democratic right to voice protest.

²² Johnson, R. W., ‘What Buthelezi Wants’, in London Review of Books, 19 December 1991.Google Scholar

²³ Sunday Times (Johannesburg), 26 07 1992.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Goldstone Commission has been informally criticised by the A.N.C. as ‘a captive of the structures of the state and the security forces’. See SouthScan, 10 July 1992, p. 208. The implied denial of the independence of a forthright judge, as well as most of the Commission's officials, seems hardly justified. Obviously, some of the staff had to be seconded from government departments and universities. However, the fair-minded Commission risked its legitimacy by being an entirely all-white and all-male affair.

²⁵ ‘ANC Units Running Wild, Says Chris Hani’, in Sunday Times, 2 August 1992, p. 1.Google Scholar

²⁶ In contrast to most A.N.C. activists, particularly in the Transvaal, Nelson Mandela always kept in polite contact with Chief Buthelezi both by telephone and mail. ‘Obviously, my fervent hope’, he wrote to the leader of Inkatha from prison, ‘is to see, in due course, the restoration of the cordial relations which existed between you and OR [Oliver Tambo, president of the A.N.C.] and between the two organisations in the Seventies’. Sunday Tribune (Durban), 16 04 1989.Google Scholar

²⁷ The A.N.C. has engaged in mutual courtship not only with the military rulers of the Transkei, where Mandela, Chris Hani, Thabo Mbeki, and many other A.N.C. leaders originate, but also with sympathetic smaller Bantustans. Venda's military chief addressed a conference organised by Umkhonto we Sizwe in August 1991 at the local University to wild cheers from former guerrillas in search of jobs and recognition.

²⁸ Baskin, Jeremy, Striking Back: a history of COSATU (London, 1990).Google Scholar

²⁹ Dhlomo, Oscar, in Sunday Tribune, 26 August 1990.Google Scholar

³⁰ Reported in The Guardian Weekly (London), 12 05 1991.Google Scholar

³¹ Front File (London), 09 1991.Google Scholar

³² Ibid.

³³ Die Suid-Afrikaan (Cape Town), 36, 1992.Google Scholar

³⁴ The Star (Johannesburg), 20 12 1990.Google Scholar

³⁵ As Steven Friedman pointed out in the Weekly Mail (Johannesburg), 10–16 05 1991, the well-intentioned ‘phasing out’ of the hostels may well trigger greater violence, as long as those living there are not part of the agreements.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid. 22–7 March 1991.

³⁷ Friedman, loc. cit.

³⁸ The ploy of forged leaflets has been extensively used at different times and locations in South Africa to fan inter-communal antagonism or to discredit activist groups. Port Elizabeth seems to have been a centre for fomenting anti-A.N.C. sentiment during the 1980s when forged U.D.F. and Cosatu leaflets stirred up trouble by demanding financial contributions to the anti-apartheid struggle from each household.

Usually such materials could be easily identified by the false ‘struggle language’ they attempted to imitate. Over time, however, the products of the hate-mongers became ever more ‘sophisticated’. For example, in early 1990, pamphlets distributed widely in Natal maintained that Indian women carried an antidote to AIDS– a pernicious call for racial rape that was repeatedly denounced by Mandela.

³⁹ Webster, Eddie, inaugural lecture as Professor of Sociology at the University of the Witwatersrand, published in Business Day (Johannesburg), 2 August 1991.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Rickard, Carmel, ‘When You See the Enemy's Shacks Blaze, You Can't Help Feeling Good’, in Weekly Mail, 23 February 1990.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid.

⁴² Schlemmer, loc. cit. pp. 7–10.

⁴³ Owen, Ken, Sunday Times, 8 September 1991.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ For the concept and various advocates of a Boerestaat, see du Toit, Brian M., ‘The Far Right in Current South African Politics’, in The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge), 29, 4 12 1991, pp. 627–67.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Buchanan, Allen, Secession. The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sunter to Lithuania and Quebec (Boulder, 1992), p. 161.Google Scholar