My interest in land reform started very early. In fact, my first executive appointment in the Government of Puerto Rico was in 1941, even before I left academic life, when I became a member of the first Board of Directors of the Land Authority of Puerto Rico, thus participating from the start in the land reform program of Puerto Rico. Back in 1940 when the present Government of Puerto Rico headed by Luis Muñoz Marín, our present Governor but at that time President of the Senate, took over the reins of government one of the first bills approved by our legislature was for a land tenure reform program in Puerto Rico.

Como Casi Todo grande y verdadero poeta, Rubén Darío es multiforme y ecléctico. Frecuentemente nos sorprende con su busca y con su hallazgo de numerosos caminos expresivos y estéticos.

Pronto, y con sutil sagacidad, lo adivinó así Juan Valera cuando, con sólo Azul a la vista, escribió la primera de sus dos Cartas publicadas en El Impartial de Madrid en octubre de 1888:

Con más ancha y abarcadura perspectiva ya, Arturo Marasso pudo afirmar después:

The positive and often decisive role of the military in the Brazilian political process has been demonstrated again by the overthrow of the João Goulart government on April 2, 1964. Chaos and confusion building up from the time President Goulart took power in August, 1961, finally culminated in his ouster by the Brazilian armed forces.

The political history of modern Brazil centers on the military. The army toppled the monarchy in 1889 and in 1894 handed the administration of the country over to civilians who governed with minor challenges until 1930. The army managed the coup d'état of 1930 which brought Getúlio Vargas to power. It removed Vargas in 1945 and returned Brazil to a democratic political process. The army moved in November, 1955, to assure the assumption of office by President-elect Juscelino Kubitschek. The presidential elections of 1960 were guaranteed by the military even though a former Minister of War, General Enrique Lott, was decisively defeated by a civilian, Jánio Quadros.

Se alguém me indagasse qual seria o poeta mais representativo da moderna poesia brasileira, creio que mencionaria primeiro Carlos Drummond de Andrade, aínda que Manuel Bandeira também o seja, ao lado de outros como Cassiano Ricardo, Emílio Moura, Murilo Mendes, Lêdo Ivo, Mauro Mota, João Cabral de Melo Neto e Joaquim Cardozo. Mas a expressão poética, em nenhum dêsses autores, alcanca urna dimensão intelectual de fronteiras tão extensas quando em Jorge de Lima. Creio que sua poesía, sob certos aspectos, é mais importante do que a de Fernando Pessoa; e, entre os poetas de língua portuguêsa, talvez só encontre rival em Camões.

These comments illustrate the widespread feelings of public indifference and hostility toward higher education in Central America today. They also underscore the need for better information about higher education and the need to reduce the gap between the universities and the societies in which they operate.

The universities of Central America have long been tottery towers built on inadequate structures of national public education. Their marginal utility as centers of learning and intellectual leadership is evidenced in many ways: in low levels of financial support; rundown physical facilities; weak administrations and consequent weaknesses in the standards of teaching, research and student academic performance.

The importance of the study of culture change lies not only in the opportunities for scientific understanding of culture through its dynamic aspects, but also in “applied” needs for analyzing and, so far as possible, predicting present-day cultural trends. Keesing defines culture change as a, “reformulation of group behavior. Such reformulation may be seen occurring from the level of individual experience to that of the total functional and integrational setting of a cultural system.”

This paper is concerned primarily with the second aspect of the reformulation, that is, the total setting in one country, Brazil. Obviously, in such a short paper, all aspects of change in Brazil cannot be treated nor can they be definitely stated. In fact, one of the purposes of this preliminary paper is to raise more questions than it answers concerning culture change in whole, contemporary, national cultures.

Habiendo excedido con creces el límite señalado por Benvenuto Cellini para evocar el pasado personal y la tarea realizada, permitidme decir algunas palabras para recordar el medio en que se formó nuestra personalidad, la influencia que en ella ejercieron los maestros de nuestra lejana adolescencia, y la forma en que gravitó, en el ambiente social y político, la vigorosa acción de los catedráticos egresados del primer curso del Instituto Pedagógico. Espero de vuestra benevolencia excuséis las referencias autobiográficas, pero habiéndole tocado en suerte al que habla vivir bajo la influencia de aquellos, primero bajo los aleros del liceo, y en seguida en la cátedra universitaria, creo estar en situación de hacer una apreciación de la labor llenada por nuestra casa de estudios, a lo largo de más de medio siglo, y destacar la profunda influencia que ha ejercido en la renovación de la vida social y política del país, a través de la acción de tres generaciones de eminentes maestros.

The most controversial newspaper in Brazil last year was not the Tribuna da Imprensa, the mouthpiece of Carlos Lacerda, the governor of Guanabara who was so closely identified with the revolution of March 31,1964, but the now-defunct Brasil Urgente, a weekly tabloid published in São Paulo with the approval of the Cardinal Archbishop by the Dominican Carlos Josaphat and a militant group of laymen determined to give Brazilians a Catholic Left beyond the promises of Christian Democracy and virtually as radical as the Communist Party. Although the revolution has put a stop to the politics of the Left, and movements of leftist tinge are momentarily as defunct as Brasil Urgente, it is still important for the background of the revolution to know what the Catholic Left was doing, and to realize once more that in a country like Brazil, where Christian Democracy was never a force, as in Chile and Venezuela, and where political nuances, until a few months ago, were not considered important, a Catholic Left, of the kind envisaged by the editors of Brasil Urgente, was not beyond the realm of possibility.

This study of financial institutions and processes highlights changes in the policies and practices of investors, governments and international bodies that would accelerate industrial development of Central America. There are three principal conclusions:

1. Commercial banks and related institutions need more flexibility in their operations under the law and administrative procedures. Among these conditions would be adaptations of credit instruments and interest rates to the requirements of a changing economic structure and market conditions. These would increase the number and range of alternatives open to domestic savers and investors and enable financial institutions to undertake operations of longer terms and greater risks.

The Spanish attitude toward change and powerful resistance to it evolved from a number of sources. Some of these are shared with other nations, while some are peculiar to Spain. Two of the main streams of Western civilization, for example, were those represented by Athens and Sparta, and we sometimes forget that the latter has occasionally been cherished as much as the former. The Athenian tradition implies creativity and change, and it stresses freedom of thought and speech and action, and a hatred of tyrants. The Spartan code stresses duty, responsibility, discipline, and makes for a slow changing, uncreative society and an aristocratic government. These two attitudes toward life have had their opponents and adherents throughout the history of the West.

Traditional or developing areas of the world are moving toward urban and industrial societies characterized by rationalistic behavior. To an appreciable extent this transition is identified as the rise of urban middle sectors or classes, at least in the case of Latin America. One phase of the transition from a stage of economic underdevelopment to an industrial system has been the advent of public housing. Latin America in the last twenty years has witnessed extensive migration of families from the rural hinterland—in addition to the ever expanding families of the city itself— to the squatter shacks and slums, with eventual transfer of limited numbers to public housing. This article proposes to report on some differences in behavior and values of residents of private dwellings as opposed to those residents of public housing in two Central American capitals.

Today, Peru faces three essential problems: 1) the lack of geographical integration; 2) racial diversity and the failure of restratification among the social classes; and finally, 3) the rising tension generated by population growth and shifts. Within the context of these three problems may be evaluated the role of two “designs” for action — first, the Alliance for Progress and, second, the program of Peru's new government, which, while cooperating with the Alliance's program, is striving for independent, nationalistic action and finds itself confronting an exploding, revolutionary situation created by the masses of Indians unassimilated into the political culture.

Following the broad pattern of the nineteenth century, Venezuelan government in the 1900's continued to serve as the personal preserve of caudillos. A shift in regional emphasis had been registered in 1899 when Cipriano Castro descended from the Andean southwest and marched to Caracas and the presidency. Less than a decade later, afflicted with collapsing health induced by extreme moral dissolution, simultaneously victimized by his principal lieutenant, Castro left Venezuela. Remaining in exile until his death sixteen years later, he saw power fall into the hands of his former colleague from the mountains of Táchira, Juan Vicente Gómez.

In October, 1963, the international crisis that centered on, and arose out of, events on the Caribbean island of Cuba, was the culmination of a series of events which had kept Cuba in the world's headlines for the previous four years — ever since the revolutionary régime headed by Dr. Fidel Castro established itself in power in December, 1958. The understanding of this crisis is quite difficult, because this matter has been subject to widely-differing interpretations, and many aspects of the regime's history are intensely controversial.