A well-known relief pithos in the Louvre (CA 795) shows Perseus confronting a Gorgon whose human torso terminates in the body of a horse. Her equine features have proven difficult to explain, and earlier discussions of the scene have appealed to lost narratives, seventh-century artistic conventions and broad symbolic associations between Gorgons and horses. Focusing on her combination of equine and maidenly characteristics, this article interprets Medusa's unusual form with reference to a series of ancient Greek metaphors connecting maidens, horses and Gorgons. It argues that recognizing the metaphorical logic of the image allows us to understand Medusa's form as a sympathetic comment upon her death, which has parallels in the sacrifices of maidens in Greek art and literature.

In this article it is proposed to examine the available numismatic evidence relating to the settlement of Samians at Zancle, and the change of the name of the city to Messana, and to suggest possible lines along which a reconstruction of the events might proceed.

It will be well first to review such literary evidence as we possess. The earliest such evidence is found in Herodotus. He gives at length the story of the Samian settlement. After the battle of Lade, which ruined the cause of the revolted Ionians, the Samian oligarchs (οἵ τι ἔχοντες) decided to abandon their city and sail away to found a colony elsewhere, rather than stay and endure the oppression of Aeaces, their old tyrant, restored under Persian influence (ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκπλέειν μηδὲ μένοντας Μήδοισί τε καὶ Αἰάκεῖδουλεύειν). Now the men of Zancle in Sicily had sent a general invitation to the Ionians to come to the West and settle at the Fair Shore (Καλὴν ᾿ Ακτὴν ἐᾶν χαίρειν), a Sicel possession on the north coast of Sicily. The Samians accordingly decided to accept the invitation.

By the generosity of Mr. S. Pepys Cockerell the British Museum has recently come into possession of three volumes of sketches, plans, etc., made by his father, C. R. Cockerell, R.A., during the seven years (1810–1817) in which he was travelling in S. Europe and the Levant.

The Collection contains about 500 sketches, a few in water-colour, sepia, and Indian-ink, the rest in pencil, and is of great interest both artistically and archaeologically. On its artistic interest I do not propose to dwell; Cockerell's merits as an artist have always been recognised, and these delicate water-colour and pencil notes, in which there is not an unnecessary or an unmeaning line, are quite up to the level of his finished work.

The institution of sunthusiâ, ‘joint sacrifice’, appears in many forms in Graeco-Roman antiquity, but takes a special shape in the period of the Roman empire. After a brief outline of the practice, I address particular problems in inscriptions of Iasus in Caria and Side in Pamphylia.

In the Hellenistic period, the verb sunthûein and its related nouns, sunthutês, sunthusiâ, are mainly used in two senses. In the private sphere, devotees of particular gods or groups of gods may form standing associations of ‘joint sacrificers’, sometimes with common ownership of property.

The accounts of the war in Euboea (349–8) given by Beloch and Kahrstedt are contradictory, their chief points of difference being:—(i) Was there only one expedition to Euboea at this time or two? (ii) When did the incident of the kidnapping of Molossus take place? (iii) Was the result of the war a victory for Athens or for Euboea, or was it indecisive? The ancient authorities upon whom we depend for the solution of these problems are divided into two kinds:—one fairly consecutive narrative (Plut. Phocion, XII–XIV), and many allusions or disconnected anecdotes to be found in the orators Demosthenes and Aeschines, and their scholia.

Towards the close of Book V of the Republic Plato tells us that the true philosopher has knowledge and that the objects of knowledge are the Forms. By contrast, the ‘lovers of sights and sounds’, he tells us, have no more than belief, the objects of which are physical particulars. He then goes on to present us with some very radical-sounding assertions about the nature of these physical particulars. They are bearers of opposite properties, he says, in so thorough-going a manner that we cannot say of them that they are nor that they are not: they lie somewhere between being and utter non-being.

This passage of the Republic (475–80) still awaits an agreed interpretation and I want to suggest as a reason for this that it is usually interpreted in isolation. I will argue that it becomes easier to understand when seen against the background of Plato's developing thought. To be more precise, it makes sense when taken as a rejection by Plato of one of his earlier beliefs: namely, a doctrine of essentialism to be found in the Phaedo.

The greater part of this paper then will be an attempt to show that Republic V is a rejection of the Phaedo's doctrine of essences. Its concluding part will try to explain why that doctrine was rejected.

This article offers a re-edition of SEG 11:314, Argos inventory number E274, based on re-examination of the stone and of recently rediscovered squeezes preserving material now lost from the stone; these allow improved readings in numerous places. We also offer a reinterpretation of the disputed syntax of the last three lines, which we translate ‘As for the things with which a δαμιοργóς is to compel (him to make amends), the ἀμφίπολος is to give thought to these things’.

Some of our extant authorities, as Justin and Appian, state or assume that Alexander had two sons, Roxane's and Barsine's. Others, as Diodorus in the events prior to 309, and Curtius in parts, state or assume that he had only one, Roxane's. Now it makes a considerable difference in our view of the events of 309 whether the lad called Heracles, who appeared in that year as a reputed son of Alexander and Barsine, were really Alexander's son or an ordinary pretender. No modern historian has even noticed that there is a conflict of authority; for though Beloch saw that Heracles' age was wrong he did not follow it up, but altered the age. Before coming to the events of 309, the source of the evidence for Alexander having one son only must be considered.

The Onchestos passage in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo (229-38) has been discussed extensively, most usefully by A. Schachter (BICS 23 (1976) 102-14) and G. Roux (REG 77 (1964) 1-22). Further consideration of the disputed verbal forms in lines 235 and 236 and the plurals of 233-6 suggests that the plurals do indeed indicate a two-horse chariot team but that the presence of a team is not incompatible with the test of a single colt, and that if a chariot is wrecked by the unguided horses, it is righted and left in situ (with the horses removed) while prayers of supplication are made to Poseidon. The events referred to are interpreted as elements of a religious ritual with explicit military implications, dating from the Mycenaean period. It is, however, noted that a Babylonian ritual parallel might suggest a Near Eastern (and possibly non-military) origin.

The chorus' depiction of Ares as a ‘gold-changer of bodies’ and trader in precious metals underscores the increased intersection of finances and war in fifth-century Athens. The metaphor's details point to three contemporary developments (in addition to the patrios nomos allusion noted by Fraenkel): the increased conscription of citizens, the institution of pay for military service, and the payment of financial support for war orphans. And as leader of the Delian League, Athens itself resembled the war-god, establishing equivalents between men and money, and profiting from its acceptance of tribute payments in a variety of currencies. Taken together, the metaphor's contemporary dimensions probably had an unsettling effect on the Athenian audience.

This account owes much to the kind co-operation of those who at short notice supplied me with information and photographs; I would here offer my thanks to them, and also to Professor Karo, who generously placed at my disposal the typescript of his article for the Archaeologischer Anzeiger, to Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, without whose assistance it could not have been completed, and finally to Professor Myres, who has kindly read it.

Athens and Attica

A stretch of the north wall of the Acropolis was threatened with collapse by a fracture in the rock which supports it; the rock has accordingly been underpinned with solid masonry at this point, and extensive reinforcements of the same kind have been provided at other weak points. The character of the rock face has been considerably altered by this work, but a disaster has been averted; care has been taken to preserve such ancient features as the underground passage from the Aglaurion.

Broneer has followed up his investigations on the north slope of the Acropolis by an examination of the cave at the east end. In removing the top of the dump from the entrance to the cave a number of important pottery fragments were found, some of which join with the Acropolis vases. Within the cave a stele cut on the right-hand side of the entrance provides the solitary evidence of occupation in antiquity.

We possess few contemporary records of the Ionian expansion, even in its later stages, and the gradual hellenization of the coast-lands of southern Asia Minor is a process that, in the absence of historical documents, has largely to be inferred from later developments and by archaeological research. At least as early as the eighth century the sea-faring Greeks were known to the Assyrians, under the generic name of Ionians, as pirates and freebooters who troubled the coasts of their maritime provinces. That they should occasionally come into armed conflict with the Assyrian power was to be expected, but it has not hitherto been realized that at the beginning of the seventh century they were sufficiently numerous and powerful within the area of Assyrian control to join other adventurous and discontented elements in conducting a land campaign of some magnitude, and in defying, for a time successfully, the Assyrian forces. That they were capable of doing so may be taken as evidence of a considerable Ionian expansion eastwards at the close of the eighth and the beginning of the seventh centuries, and, though the Assyrians had little difficulty in checking the movement, it is probable that fresh conflicts of a like nature would have been recorded in the later Assyrian annals, were it not that a few years afterwards the centre of Ionian power in Western Asia Minor began to be held in check by Lydia, and later, in company with Lydia, was shaken to its foundation by the Cimmerian invaders. In fact those Ionians, whom Sennacherib met and defeated, achieved little political success, and that of a temporary character. It is possible that the effects of their cultural relations with their conquerors were more lasting.

This article argues that Pindar refers to cyclic Trojan epics as fixed poems known to his audiences and discusses why this matters for our understanding of his poetry. Section I claims that Isthmian 4 alludes to the Aethiopis as the work of Homer. Section II examines how Nemean 10 closely engages with the Cypria. Section III argues that Nemean 6 and Isthmian 8 signal an intertextual engagement with the Aethiopis and the Cypria. A conclusion assesses how far we can extrapolate from the preceding arguments to generalize about Pindar's relationship to Trojan epic and then suggests one particular way in which recognizing allusions to lost epic can enrich our understanding of his preserved lyric.

How far can the kingdoms in Bactria and India, ruled by kings with Greek names, be called Hellenistic, and how far were they simply native? These pages were put together with this question in view; they have no claim to be more than an attempt to get certain problems stated, to which some day some further answer may be given by the spade. The series of these kings stretches from the revolt of Diodotos, about 250 B.C., to the final merger of Indo-Greek rule in that of the Indo-Scyths in 26 B.C. The period is bisected by the conquest of Bactria by the Yue-tche, which probably took some little while to complete, but with respect to which our information centres on the year 128 B.C. By the time of Augustus, a number of merchantmen were sailing directly from the Red Sea to India, a rare event under the Ptolemies; and this traffic increased later, when in the reign of Nero was made that discovery, or rediscovery, of the monsoons which is associated with the name of Hippalos. To arrive, therefore, at any ideas about the kingdoms of Alexander's successors beyond Parthia, it is necessary to distinguish as carefully as possible the information with regard to India, and the traces of western influence on things Indian, which can be dated later than (say) the Christian era, (and which belong rather to the history of Rome), from information which can be, or may be, dated prior to 26 B.C., or I might almost say prior to 100 B.C., (the time between these two dates being for my purpose a blank); and only to make use of the former sources when they clearly refer to something that falls within the period under consideration. The general result appears to be, that one meets with more of the Iranian and less of the Greek than one expected.

Thucydides i, 77: .

It has been said of this passage, ‘The words of the Athenian orator in Thucydides i, 77: are a familiar puzzle, and any new attempt to discuss them is apt to excite a smile.’ The whole of the chapter in which they stand has received much attention from editors of Thucydides, and from those concerned with the judicial organisation of the Athenian Empire. The problems which present themselves are four in number: (a) the identity of the allies whose complaints are the subject of this passage; (b) the correct division, if division is necessary, of the sentence ; (c) the interpretation of the term ai ξυμβόλαιαι; (d) the extent to which conclusions on a–c are borne out by other literary references and by the epigraphical evidence.

1. At Lydae, on the western edge of the horizontal slabs of a tomb, on the side of which is Mr. Hicks' No. 12.

This may be compared with the inscription No. 16 of Mr. Hicks, which it very closely resembles. The builder would seem to be the same Heliodoros who is numbered 6 in the genealogical tree. Letters ·04m.

Below the three lower heroa and further south we found two inscribed fragments. One had the letters ΑΥΤΟ (·06m.) and obviously had an imperial connection: the other showed ΩΡΟΥΤΟΥ ΝΙΑΗΛΙΟ and must have referred to the Diophantus family.

My object in the following paper is two-fold; first, to comment on two hitherto unpublished vases relating to the myth of the Judgment of Paris; secondly, to discuss the typography of the myth generally, and in particular to offer some suggestions as to the origin of its early art form.

First as to the unpublished vases. Both the amphora and the pinax are now in the Graeco-Etruscan Museum at Florence. The drawings and photographs were executed under the kind supervision of the Director of the Museum, Sig. Milani; he was however unable to tell me where the vases were found: they are manifestly both of Attic work. It is fortunate that they both are now in the same Museum, as they present certain well-marked analogies in treatment, evident at the most cursory glance.

A detailed description of the two vases is superfluous, as accurate reproductions lie before the reader, but I would call attention to one or two points. The amphora (Plate LXX. and Fig. 1) I should class as belonging to very early black-figured manner—before the regular B. F. Attic style is fully established—with reminiscences of the so-called ‘Chalcidian’ and of the ‘Corinthian’ styles. We note especially the curiously cut cloaks of the women, which appear frequently on Corinthian vases, of which there are numerous examples in the Louvre; and we note also the rosettes on the animal frieze and the very ‘Chalcidian’ horror vacui, e.g. the little owl between the feet of Hermes.

‘You will be unable to comprehend strophe, antistrophe or epode; it will read like a piece of continuous prose:’ the question has been long debated, whether Dionysius' claim is justified.

Experiment has proved that brute force will be required to hammer the following quotation from Simonides into the shape of a complete strophe and complete antistrophe, with or without all or part of an epode. Specimens may be seen and judged elsewhere. They need never again be repeated; they demonstrate that either the text is corrupt beyond the possibility of a scientific restoration, or there is no complete strophe and antistrophe present.

It is at least natural to suppose that when Dionysius says, ‘You will not recognise strophe, antistrophe and epode,’ he must, in this context, imply that all three of these elements are represented; not necessarily that all three are complete, but that parts at least of all three are included. It appears therefore prima facie reasonable to look for metrical correspondences between strophe and antistrophe; but of all such investigations one only has led to a result which is widely approved.