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A Teucrian at Salamis in Cyprus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

G. A. Wainwright
Affiliation:
Oxford

Extract

It is well known that in his eighth year, 1162 B.C., Ramesses III repulsed onslaughts by the Peoples of the Sea or Sea Raiders as they are often called. The migrating horde was composed essentially of a group of closely related tribes, the Philistines, Tjekker and Dene. They were dressed identically alike in the Sea Raider kilt which was divided into panels and fell to a point in front, and they wore a headdress of feathers, as it is supposed to be, Fig. 1. This, it will be noted, is the very dress of the follower of the chariot on the ivory gaming box from Enkomi, Fig. 2. The panelled kilt falling to a point in front is there, as is the headdress on which even the row of circles or rings so often decorating the head band is shown, as well as the neck guard fitting to the back of the head. Another detail on the Enkomi box allies the scene to the Philistines and therefore to their relatives the Tjekker. It is that like those of the Philistines the charioteer leans forward over his horses. This is a very rare attitude to be adopted, though significantly enough it can be found occasionally among the Hittites at the Battle of Kadesh. It is also to be seen on one of the Megiddo ivories of a date not later than c. 1150 B.C. It does not occur in the Mycenaean paintings. The point to which the kilt falls is not quite like that of the Sea Peoples for it is broader. On the other hand, the Egyptian paintings show it on a man coming from ‘the ends of Asia’, that is to say the extremest north of Syria. Quite other evidence proves it to be a north Syrian or perhaps Hurrian detail, for it is shown much later on the Loftus ivories from Nimrud which are under this influence. Besides this, one of these ivories shows a kilt which is just that of the Sea Raiders, but without the tassels.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1963

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References

1 The date is that originally fixed by Rowton, (JEA xxxiv (1948) 72)Google Scholar, and has been used in all my various studies of the Sea Raiders (for these see note 33, p. 149, to which should be added ‘The Teresh, the Etruscans and Asia Minor’, in Anatolian Studies ix (1959) 197–213); ‘Some Sea-Peoples’ in JEA xlvii (1961) 71–90. Hence, to avoid confusion it is still used here. It is based on the date of the accession of Ramesses II, for which only two dates are astronomically possible, 1290 or 1304 B.C., of which two Rowton originally decided for the lower (op. cit., 69, 72). Since then, however, he has seen reason to prefer the earlier (JNES xix (1960) 15–22), and this of course would put Ramesses III back by 14 years, i.e. his eighth year would fall in 1176 B.C.

2 These latter two peoples figure under a variety of versions of their names, such as Tjekker, Tchakaray, Zakkar, Zakkal, Thekel; Dene, Denyen, Dainiuna, Danuna. The first of these names is spelt in this article with the duplicated κ when reference is made to the Medinet Habu sculptures which use this form. Everywhere else it is spelt with a single κ as in the relative documents.

3 Nelson, H. H. and others, Medinet Habu pl. 43 Google Scholar, top row of prisoners whence our Fig. 1 is taken. They are stated to be Tjekker. For the others of the group see pl. 44 where they are named Philistines in the bottom row and Dene in the middle row of prisoners. For a full discussion of the Philistine group see Wainwright, in JEA xlvii (1961) 7482.Google Scholar

4 Murray, A. S., Smith, and Walters, , Excavations in Cyprus pl. 1 Google Scholar, top right, from which our Fig. 2 is taken.

5 Med. Habu pl. 34 right hand, two charioteers.

6 Breasted, The Battle of Kadesh has collected the various scenes and gives references to the large scale reproductions.

7 Loud, , The Megiddo Ivories pl. 32 Google Scholar, no. 159 and p. 17. For the date see p. 10.

8 Furumark, in Opuscula Atheniensia i (1953) 61.Google Scholar It occurs again in Cyprus, this time on a very crude scarab engraved in an oriental manner (fig. 1, p. 48) and dating to the very end of Late Cypriote II C, c. 1300–1230 B.C. (pp. 52, 65).

9 de G. Davies, N., The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes pl. 31 Google Scholar, top register, 3rd man. He wears a medallion. The other two men are ordinary long-robed Syrians.

10 Barnett, , The Nimrud Ivories pls. 18 S 1Google Scholar; 22 S 2; 26 S 20, and p. 42. These ivories date from the late ninth to the late eighth centuries B.C., p. 52.

11 Id., op. cit., pl. 22 S 4. Tassels were worn in that part of the world, for they are shown on a Hittite sculpture from Cağdin not far from Tell Bashar and Ain Tab, Archäologischer Anzeiger, 1940, col. 566 and fig. 4Google Scholar, and map, cols. 557, 558 = Bossert, Altanatolien fig. 567 said to be from Ahçaköy.

12 See Med. Habu pls. 34, 39 showing the Land and Sea Battles.

13 Wreszinski, , Atlas ii pl. 160 aGoogle Scholar; Med. Habit, pl. 98 bottom row last man = pl. 125 c. The man on the right in pl. 118 c also wears a beard, but though he is labelled Peleset (Philistine), he looks more like a Tjeker.

14 Murray and others, op. cit., pl. 2. The design remained popular in Cyprus and at Nimrud lasted on to the time of the Loftus ivories of the eighth century, Barnett, op. cit., pls. 22 S 2, 4; 26 S 20, and p. 67.

15 Med. Habu pls. 34, 39.

16 For instance, du Taylor, Plat in Palestine Exploration Quarterly 1956 35.Google Scholar An elaborate discussion by Miss Kantor puts the pieces to the Late Cypriot Ilia Period and to a date of c. 1200–1150 B.C. (AJA li (1947) 93 f., and cf. JNES xv (1956) 171).

17 Frankfort, , The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient 154.Google Scholar

18 One should not try to deduce therefrom that Ramesses claims to have invaded Cyprus. All that it means is that he defeated enemies coming from there.

19 For instance, Müller, W. Max, Egyptological Researches i pl. 64 Google Scholar; Simons, J., Egyptian Topographical Lists 165 Google Scholar; Jirku, , Die ägytischen Listen palästinensischer und syrischer Ortsnamen 44 Google Scholar (Klio, Beiheft xxxviii, 1937). The names are recorded by Max Burchardt, Die altkanaanäischen Fremdworte und Eigennamen im Aegyptischen passim.

20 Brugsch, , A History of Egypt ii (1879) 152.Google Scholar No one else has ventured to identify them.

21 For the various views see Gauthier, H., Dictionnaire des noms géographiques vi 69 f.Google Scholar; Gardiner, A. H., Ancient Egyptian Onomastica i no. 269, pp. 199 Google Scholar * ff.

22 Gjerstad, , ‘The Colonization of Cyprus in Greek Legend’ in Opuscula Archaeologica iii (1944) 108 f.Google Scholar

23 Loc. cit., 117.

24 Adonis, Attis, Osiris (1907) 112, 115. In the Corycian Cave near Olba Tarku enters into the names of many priests of Zeus.

25 JHS xxxviii (1918) 131, 149.

26 Windekens, in Minoica 448–50Google Scholar (Festschrift J. Sundwall).

27 Loc. cit. See the Appendix to this article for some connexions between the Troad, the Teukroi, the Philistines and Cilicia.

28 Page, Denys L., History and the Homeric Iliad 234 f.Google Scholar; Webster, T. B. L., From Mycenae to Homer 61, 101, 115, 130.Google Scholar

29 Sjöqvist, , Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age 208.Google Scholar

30 Gjerstad, loc. cit., 123 and cf. 87. It was the second one that came from Greece in the Late Cypriote III B Period about 1100 B.C. Furumark, accepts the immigration theory although he disputes some of the details, Opuscula Archaeologica iii (1944) 264.Google Scholar Schaeffer, , Enkomi-Alasia 369 Google Scholar has much to say about various invasions at this time. He ascribes an early one, about 1300 B.C., to Achaeans, another, about 1225–1200 B.C., to the Mycenaeans, and that of the Sea Peoples to between 1200–1150 B.C. He does not deal with an invasion from Anatolia.

31 The Tjeker accompanied the Philistines to Syria where later on the Prince of Byblos was a certain Tjeker-Baal and further south Dor is said to have been a Tjeker town ( Breasted, , Ancient Records of Egypt iv §§565, 567 Google Scholar). Further south again they left their name in that of Ziklag the town belonging to the Philistine Achish, and they both fell upon Ramesses III.

32 Peet, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology presented to Sir Arthur Evans 90 ff.Google Scholar For the date see pp. 98, 99.

33 Wainwright, , ‘Caphtor-Cappadocia’ in Vetus Testamentum vi (1956) 199210 Google Scholar; ‘Some Early Philistine History’ in ibid., ix (1959) 73–84, and now once more in JEA xlvii (1961) 77–81 and map. For companion studies of Keftiu see ‘Asiatic Keftiu’ in AJA Ivi (1952) 196–212; ‘Keftiu and Karamania (Asia Minor)’ in Anatolian Studies iv (1954) 33–48. The idea that Caphtor must have been Crete was originally based on nothing more than that in the translations of the Bible that land is called ‘the isle of Caphtor’ and Crete is a large and suitable island. However, while the Hebrew word can mean ‘isle', its primary meaning is only ‘coastland’. Miss Kantor herself has shown a number of difficulties in the easy acceptance of Crete as Keftiu, in AJA li (1947) for instance on pp. 48, 49, 74, 102.Google Scholar A number of fallacies in that idea is exposed in my article ‘Keftiu: Crete or Cilicia?’ in JHS li (1931) 1–38.

34 Sterrett, , The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor no. 165 Google Scholar (vol. 3 of the Papers of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens).

35 SirEvans, Arthur, The Palace of Minos i fig. 483, nos. 2, 12Google Scholar, and for the date see pp. 647, 667. Recently efforts have been made to prove that the Disc is of Cretan origin, but they will hardly stand up against all Sir Arthur's evidence that it would be an import—presumably from southern Asia Minor.

36 In the late eighth-century bilingual inscription of Karatepe the Phoenician Dananiyim corresponds to the Adana of the Hittite version. See for instance Mellink, in Bibliotheca Orientalis vii (1950) 146.Google Scholar For the date see p. 147. For all this and more see JEA xlvii (1961) 81. There the views of several scholars are quoted that the isles whence Ramesses III says the Dainiuna came were not those of the Aegean but the little ones off the Cilician coast. Since those views were expressed Laroche has also drawn attention to these Cilician islands and given further information, Syria xxxv (1958) 274.

37 Goetze, A., Kizzuwatna p. 57.Google Scholar For'the date see Gurney, O., The Hittites (2nd edn) 216.Google Scholar

38 In a long study of Greek traditions and Egyptian history as we have it in the confused excerpts from Manetho and real Near Eastern history Bérard, concludes that Danaos would have arrived in Greece say about 1550 B.C., Syria xxix (1952) 41.Google Scholar

39 The list has often been published, for example, W. Max Müller, op. cit., i pl. 45, no. 47; Max Burchardt, op. cit., no. 1170; J. Simons, op. cit., 113, no. 136 (47); Jirku, op. cit., 19, no. 47. H. Gauthier, op. cit., vi 70 considers the identification of the two names as plausible, whereas A. H. Gardiner, op. cit., i 200* is doubtful. Jirku would like to accept the identity of the two.

40 It has only been doubted because it is a single occurrence and at a time so much earlier than that of Ramesses III. Unfortunately the list is not arranged in order and many of the names are destroyed, but it includes such well-known places in north Syria as Tunip and Niya. Of course Tuthmosis campaigned up there in the farthest north.

41 Sjöqvist, , Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age 208, 209Google Scholar; Gjerstad, in Opuscula Archaeologia iii 87 Google Scholar and similarly p. 119.

42 Barnett would take them both to be Hurrians, , PEQ. 1939 11.Google Scholar

43 Mitt. altorientalischen Gesellschaft iv (1928–29) 280 f.

44 Gjerstad, op. cit., 117.

45 For example, Reinach, in Rev. arch. xv (1910) 41 Google Scholar; Burn, A. R., Minoans, Philistines and Greeks, 162 Google Scholar; Bonfante, in AJA 1 (1946) 254.Google Scholar

46 Bérard, in Rev. arch. xxxvii (1951) 132.Google Scholar

47 Kretschmer, in Glotta xxx (1943) 152–4Google Scholar; Bonfante, loc. cit., 251–62.

48 Breasted, , Ancient Records of Egypt iii §§306, 349.Google Scholar

49 Kuentz, , La bataille de Qadech pl. 25 Google Scholar lowest row of prisoners brought by the king continued in the right-hand bottom register, and p. 49 (3).