¹ Among the major syntheses are Davis, Ralph, The Rise of the Atlantic Economies (Ithaca, New York, 1973);Google ScholarCipolla, Carlo M., Before the Industrial Revolution. European Society and Economy, 1000–1700 (New York, 1976);Google ScholarVnes, Jan De, The Economy of Europe in an Age of Crisis, 1600–1750 (Cambridge, 1976);Google ScholarWallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System, 2 vols. to date (New York, 1974, 1980);Google Scholar and North, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert Paul, The Rise of the Western World (Cambridge, 1973).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² See Thobar, Ramón Carande, Curios Vy sus banqueros, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1949–1967);Google ScholarUlloa, Modesto, La hacienda real de Castilla en el reinado de Felipe II, 2nd ed. (Madrid, 1978);Google ScholarOrtiz, Antonio Domfnguez, La sociedad espanola en el siglo XVII, 2 vols., (Madrid, 1963–1970);Google Scholar and the same author's PolIrica y hacienda de Felipe IV (Madrid, 1960);Google ScholarKamen, Henry, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, 1665–1700 (New York, 1980). In addition to these general treatments, a flood of local and regional studies in the last two decades confirms this timetable.Google Scholar

³ Several recent works have dealt with the wool trade over limited spans of time. The best is Lapeyre, Henri, “Les exportations de lame de Castille sous le regne de Philippe II,” La lana come materia prima. I fenomeni della sua produzione e circulazione nei secoli XIII–XVII, ed. Spallanzani, Marco (Florence, 1974), pp. 221–39,Google Scholar expanded somewhat in chap. 4 of El co, nercio exterior de Castilla a través de las aduanas de Felipe II (valladolid, 1981).Google Scholar Although I disagree with Lapeyre on several major points, his discussion is very useful overall. See also Israel, Jonathan I., “Spanish Wool Exports and the European Economy, 1610–1640,” Economic History Review, 33 (05 1980), 193–211;Google Scholar and major chapters in Fernández, Manuel Basas, El Consulado de Burgos en el siglo XVI (Madrid, 1963)Google Scholarand Ulloa, Hacienda real.Google Scholar

⁴ de Togneri, Reyna Pastor, “La lanaen Castilla y Leon antes de la origen de la Mesta,” Moneda y Crédito, 112 (03 1970), 47–70 provides an excellent summary of herding in the Middle Ages.Google ScholarKlein's, JuliusThe Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1920) remains the only comprehensive analysis of the powerful association of herders.CrossRefGoogle Scholar It has held up well, athough there is a need to rework much of the evidence in the light of recent research, especially Flem, Jean-Paul Le, “Las cuentas de la Mesta (1510–1709),” Moneda y Crédito, 121 (1972), 23–104.Google Scholar

⁵ Fernández, Basas, Consulado.Google Scholar

⁶ Archivo General de Simancas (Simancas) (henceforth AGS): Contadurías Generales (henceforth CG); Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda (henceforth CJH); Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 2a and 3a Época (henceforth CMC 2a, CMC 3a); Diversos de Castilla; Escribanía Major de Rentas (henceforth EMR); Estado; Guerra Antigua; Tribunal Mayor de Cuentas (henceforth TMC). Dirección General del Tesoro (henceforth DGT); Dirección General de Rentas (henceforth DGR).Google Scholar

⁷ See AGS, CMC 2a, legajos 242, 243, 245; CG, legs. 808, 2979; CJH, legs. 179, 183; DGT-24, leg. 1345, for mention of fraud investigations.Google Scholar

⁸ Thobar, Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros, 1:109–14.Google Scholar

⁹ Ia, Archive deBruges, Ville de (Bruges) (henceforth Bruges, A. V.), Consulat d' Espagne (henceforth Cons. Esp.), “Ayuntamientos,” 1502–1522, fol. 8.Google Scholar

¹⁰ According to accounts examined by Joseph Marechal, a bale of wool entering Flanders weighed 74.6 livres tournois, with two bales to a sack. “Le départ de Bruges des marchandes étrangers (XVe et XVIe siècle),” Annales de la Société d' Emularion de Bruges, 88 (1951), 51.Google Scholar The Spanish arroba could vary in weight, but this study uses the standard Castilian arroba of 25 Castilian libras. With the equivalencies in Horace Doursther, Dictionnaire universe! des poids et mesures anciens et modernes (Amsterdam, 1840), I arrive at an estimate of 5.6 arrobas for each sack of wool arriving in Bruges in the early sixteenth century. It is commonly assumed that the Flanders sack weighed 6 arrobas at that time, which is adequate for rough estimations.Google Scholar

¹¹ Guicciardini, Francesco, Viajé a España de Francesco Guicciardini. embajador de Florencia ante el Rey Católico, trans. Gamo, José María Alonso (Valladolid, 1952), P. 54.Google Scholar

¹² The lower estimate assumes 6 arrobas per sack. The higher estimate assumes 8.5 arrobus, the standard weight given in the wool tax decree of 1558, and which was in common use by 1540. Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Registros de Pedro de Paredes” (henceforth “Paredes”) 1561, contains a list of 40 sacks sent to Bruges in 1540, whose average weight was 31.1 clavos, or 8.69 arrobas.Google Scholar

¹³ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Dossiers” 1428–1549.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ldpez, José Larraz, La época del mercantilismo en Castilla, 1500–1700, 2nd ed. (Madrid, 1943), pp. 49–50 postulates a decline in wool exports about 1530,Google Scholarbasing his remarks on the number of sheep listed in his reading of the Mesta accounts. This is contradicted in Flem, Le, “Cuentas de la Mesta,” pp. 68–69, which shows no perceptible downturn in the number of sheep before 1557. Variations in flock size could be considerable from year to year, but they would not necessarily affect average wool exports.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Goes, Damião de, Hispania (Louvain, 1542);Google Scholarvan Damhouder, Josse, In laudem hispanicae nalionis, quae in Flandria nostra lam olim fixa sede celeberrimam negotiationem exercer, authoris declamatio panegyrica (Ghent, 1546, signed 1545):Google ScholarMedina, Pedro de, Libro de grandezas y cosas memorables de España (1st. ed. 1543). Medina estimated that the 50 ships leaving Bilbao each year carried 50,000 sacks of wool. A recent article has shown that ships from the north coast carried an average of only 777.4 sacks each in 1545–1551, or 38,870 in 50 ships.Google ScholarSolano, Tomas Maza, “El comercio de lanas por el puerto de Santander con Flandes y Francia en los años 1545 a 1551,” Aportación al estudlo de la historia econdmica de La Montaña (Santander, 1957), pp. 316–48.Google Scholar

¹⁶ There is some confusion in the discussion of bales by Marechal, “Le départ,” and in Damhouder's use of the word ballarum that could indicate the need to halve Damhouder”s figure for ballara to arrive at sacks. From the context, however, bales and sacks were identical to Damhouder.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Paredes,” 1549–1550.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Ulloa, Modesto, “Unas notas sobre el comercio y la avegación españoles en el siglo XVI,” Anuario de historia económica y social de España (1969), 191–237.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Paredes,” 1561; “Ayuntamientos,” 1548–1568, especially the meetings of 22 June 1557 and 1 December 1558.Google Scholar

²⁰ Flem, Le, “Cuentas de la Mesta,” pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

²¹ Sanz, Angel Garcia, Desarrollo y crisis del Antiguo Régimen en Castilla la Vieja. Economla y sociedad en tierras de Segovia, 1500–1814 (Madrid, 1977), pp. 208–16;Google ScholarPérez, Joséignacio Fortea, Córdoba en el siglo XVI. Las bases demográficas y económicas de una expansion urbana (Córdoba, 1981), pp. 335–94;Google ScholarMurugarren, Paulino Iradiel, Evolución de la industria texetil casrellana en los siglos XIII–XVII: Factores de desarrollo, organización y coslas de la producción manufactura en Cuenca (Salamanca, 1974);Google ScholarRingrose, David, “The Impact of a New Capital City: Madrid, Toledo and New Castile,” this JOURNAL, 33 (12. 1973), 761–91;Google ScholarMartín, Felipe Ruiz, “Un testimonio literaria sobre las manufacturas de paños en Segovia por 1625,” Homenaje al Profesor Alarcos, 2 vols. (Valladolid, 1966), 2:1–21;Google ScholarPhillips, Carla Rahn, Ciudad Real, 1500–1750. Growth, Crisis, and Readjustment in the Spanish Economy (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979), pp. 52–56.Google Scholar

²² Guicciardini, Lodovico, Descrittione de tutu i paesi bossi (Antwerp, 1567), p. 125.Google Scholar

²³ van Houtte, J. A., An Economic History of the Low Countries, 800–1800 (London, 1977), pp. 156–62.Google Scholar

²⁴ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Ayuntamientos.” meeting of 27 June 1557; “Paredes,” 1559– 1560, document of 21 October 1559. Papers concerning embargoes of merchant shipping for 1557–1558 can be found in AGS, Guerra Antigua, leg. 1323, fols. 18, 180, 188–89.Google Scholar

²⁵ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Ayuntamientos,” 1548–1568.Google Scholar

²⁶ AGS, Diversos de Castilla, leg. 1, no. 2; EMR, leg. 642; CJH, leg. 32.Google Scholar

²⁷ Often there were several levels of tax returns available for a single year, from the local collector's accounts to a royal official's summary report. For other years there might be only onecomplete account. As one or another of the wool taxes was farmed, the account for one tax might appear much more complete than the account for another. In every case I selected the account that appeared to be the most complete, then divided the total tax by the tax rate to obtain an estimate in Castilian arrobas of 25 pounds each. Only the estimated arroba figures will be used here, with archival citations referring to the sources of the raw taxation figures.Google Scholar

²⁸ Bruges, A. V., Cons. Esp., “Rótulos de las Averías, 1550:–1573”; AGS, CJH, leg. 35; AGS, CMC 2a, legs. 153, 187, 241–243, 269, 310, 334; AGS, CG, legs. 91, 2674, 2977; AGS, EMR, leg. 642.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. See also Phillips, William D. and Phillips, Carla Rahn, “Spanish Wool and Dutch Rebels: The Middelburg Incident of 1574,” American Historical Review, 82 (04 1977), 312–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ The College of Bruges sent a copy of their 1540 privilege to Nieuport, reprimanding that town for “I'abus de i'introduction en fraude des lames par cette yule, que avait pris de grandes proportions.”Gilliodts-van-Severen, Louis, Cartulaire de l'ancienne ertaple de Bruges, 4 vols. (Bruges, 1904–1906), 3:212.Google ScholarVázquez, Valentin de Prada notes that Calais, Rouen, and even Lille began receiving wool, with the king's knowledge and approval. Leures marchandes d' Anvers, 4 vols. (Paris, 1960), 1:107–08.Google ScholarIn 1574, however, Philip II issued a reconfirmation of Bruges's privilege as the sole wool staple in the Netherlands. Gilliodts-van-Severen, Esraple de Bruges, 3:236, 242.Google Scholar

³¹ AGS, CMC 2a, legs. 202, 245; CJH, leg. 266 and the Archivo del Consulado de Burgos (Burgos), insurance records. I am grateful to Mile. Marie Helmer for sharing her great knowledge of the Consulado insurance records with me and for allowing me to consult her research notes.Google Scholar

³² Martín, Felipe Ruiz, Leirres marchandes echangées entre Florence er Medina del Campo (Paris, 1965), pp. xciii–xcic.Google Scholar

³³ AGS, Antigua, Guerra, leg. 1320.Google Scholar

³⁴ AGS, EMR, legs. 640–641; CMC 2a, legs. 208, 242; CG. legs. 810, 2977, 2978; CJH, legs. 77, 208.Google ScholarBraudel, Fernand and Romano, Ruggiero, Navires er marchandise a l'enzrée du port de Livourne (1547–1611) (Paris, 1951), p. 92, n. 7, and p. 114.Google Scholar

³⁵ Martín, Ruiz, Lerires marchandes, dozens of letters from 1579 to 1585.Google Scholar

³⁶ See note 34.Google Scholar

³⁷ AGS, CJH, legs. 208, 242, 296.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ulloa, Hacienda real, p. 345, accepts the farm figures at face value, perhaps unaware of the shortfall in revenue.Google Scholar

³⁹ AGS, CJH, legs. 215–10, 298–11, 335–12, 340–10.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Fraud investigations appear in AGS, CJH, legs. 250–10, 316–11.Google Scholar

⁴¹ AGS, CJH, leg. 340–10.Google Scholar

⁴² AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 525, 2466; TMC, leg. 813.Google Scholar

⁴³ AGS, CG, leg. 2146; CMC 3a, legs. 2353, 2633, 2774, 3124, 3328.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Israel, “Wool Exports,” p. 202.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 529, 542, 825, 1951; CG, leg. 2302; TMC, legs. 817, 819, 821–823; CJH, leg. 541.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Israel, “Wool Exports,” p. 202.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Phillips, Ciudad Real, p. 29 and notes.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Flem, Le, “Cuentas de la Mesta,” pp. 70–75 and figs. 3–4.Google Scholarde Leruela, Miguel Caxa, Restauración de la antigua abundancia de Espana (Madrid, 1632; facs. ed. Madrid, , 1975), analyzing the situation in about 1625.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Romano, Ruggiero, “Tra XVI e XVII secolo. Una crisi economica: 1619–1622,” Rivista Storica Italiana, 74 (1962);Google Scholaridem, “Encore la crise de 1619–22,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations (1964), 31–37. Many other authors, too numerous to list here, have found evidence for this crisis as well.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See note 45.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Posthumus, Nicolas W., De Geschiedenis van de Leidsche Lakenindustrie (The Hague, 1939), 3:755–64, 792–93;Google ScholarPosthumus, , Inquiry Into the History of Prices in Holland, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1946–1964), 1:268;Google Scholarvan Houtte, Economic History of the Low Countries, pp. 159–62.Google Scholar

⁵² AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 1938, 2010, 2249, 2552, 2776.Google Scholar

⁵³ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 2249, 2284, 2540, 2552, 2766, 3045, 3117, 3501.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Sella, Domenico, “The Rise and Fall of the Venetian Woollen Industry,” Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. Pullan, Brian (London, 1968), pp. 106–26;Google Scholaridem, Crisis and Continuity: The Economy of Spanish Lombardy in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1979), PP. 54–55. In addition, Carlo M. Cipolla very kindly provided me with figures for Spanish wool imports to Genoa in the mid-seventeenth century.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 825, 2387, 2540, 3046, 3117, 3322, 3494, 3538; TMC, leg. 828.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 3033, 3368. In 1667 Sir William Godoiphin estimated that Spain exported the equivalent of about 296,000 arrobas of wool each year: 176,000 to Hamburg (undoubtedly diverted from Amsterdam because of the War of Devolution), 36,000 to England, 24,000 to Italy, 8,000 to Africa, and 52,000 to France. “Discourse by Sir William Godolphin Touching the Wools of Spain,” in Hispania Illustrata; or, The Maxims of the Spanish Court (London, 1703). This agrees well enough with estimates from the farm fees up to about 1663, but it seems too high for the late 1660s.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 329, 2249, 2540, 3117, 3439, 3553; TMC, leg. 830. Archivo Histôrico Nacional (Madrid) (henceforth AHN), Ministerio de Hacienda (henceforth MH), lib. 8010.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ “A Treatise of Wool and Cattle, in a Letter Written to a Friend …,” (1677), printed in John Smith, Memoirs of Wool, 2 vols. (1747), 1:311–17.Google Scholar See also Ramsay, G. D., The Wiltshire Industry (London, 1943), p. 116.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Larrauri, Teofilo Guiard y, Historia del Consulado y Casa de Con tratación de la Villa de Bilbao, 2 vols. (Bilbao, 1913–1914; reprint ed. in 3 vols., Bilbao, 1972), 1:511–20.Google Scholar The Marquis of Villars commented in 1680 that the wool trade of Segovia had fallen considerably, since the devaluation had the effect of doubling the price of wool. “Memorias de la Corte de Espana,” in Mercadal, José Garcia, ed., Viajes de extranjeros por Espana y Portugal, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1952), 2:915.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See, for example, Pérez, Fortea, Córdoba; García Sanz, Desarrollo y crisis; Phillips, Ciudad Real; and Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century.Google Scholar

⁶¹ AGS, CMC 3a, legs. 526, 2609, 2732, 2768, 2852, 3055; TMC, legs. 811, 812, 833, 881.Google Scholar

⁶² AHN, MH, libs. 8010, 8011; Consejos Suprimidos, lib. 1475, libro año 1708; Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid), Raros 23729.Google Scholar

⁶³ See the list of wool prices in Sanz, García, Desarrollo y crisis, pp. 198–200.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The British Merchant, 1713,Google Scholar excerpted in Smith, , Memoirs of Wool, 2:136.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Smith, , Memoirs of Wool, 2:441–42.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Uztáriz, Gerónimo de, Teorica y prádctica de comercio y marina (Madrid, 1724), chap. II;Google ScholarCalatayud, Pedro, Tratados y doctrinas prdcticas sobre ventas y compras de lanas merinas y or ros géneros… (Toledo, 1761), p. 6 supplies the 1740 figure.Google Scholar See also Penido, Manuel Colmeiro y, Historia de la economía polItica en España, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1863; reprint ed. Madrid, , 1965), 2:750–51 for a discussion of various eighteenth-century estimates of flock numbers.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ AGS, TMC, leg. 834.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Calatayud, Trarados, p. 68, passim.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The proportions going to Holland, France, and England seem to have remained steady. I am grateful to Ozanam, M. Didier, Director of the Casa de Velâzquez in Madrid, for calling my attention to a memorandum from the Archive Nationale de la Marine in Paris, estimating the same proportions in 1728–1729.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Posthumus, Geschiedenis van de Leidsche Lakenindustrie, 3:756; van Houtte, Economic History of the Low Countries, pp. 257–59, 287–88.Google ScholarSaillant, Charles Philibert Lasteyrie du, An Account of the Introduction of Merino Sheep into the Different Slates of Europe (London, 1810 ed.), pp. 8–9 mentions the use of Spanish wool in Sweden, which imported over 2.6 million pounds of it between 1751 and 1790.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Markovitch, Tihonur J., Les industries lainières de Colbert à la Revolution (Geneva, 1976), pp. 485–88;Google ScholarDardel, Pierre, Navires et marchandises dans les ports de Rouen et du Havre au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1963), pp. 103–05, 196.Google Scholar

⁷² Estimated from the figures in Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter, , English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808, ed. Ashton, T. S. (Oxford, 1960), Table XVI, pp. 523–54.Google Scholar

⁷³ Ibid.McLachlan, Jean Oliva, Trade and Peace with Old Spain (Cambridge, 1940), p. 9, cites an anonymous source that 6,000 bags of Spanish wool entered England yearly at this time, which would mean about 48,000 arrobas.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Carter, H. B., His Majesty's Spanish Flock: Sir Joseph Banks and the Merinos of George III of England (Sydney, 1964), p. 7.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ AGS, DGR la, legs. 2579–2598. Total production in 1799 was given as 2,038,759 arrobas (probably unwashed) in the Censo defrutos y manufacturas de España e islas adyacentes (Madrid, 1803);Google Scholar exports from that total were given as 417,266 arrobas in Arguelles, José Canga, Diccionario de hacienda, 5 vols. (London, 1826–1827), 3:142–43. Merino wool lost about half its weight in the washing.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Sella, Crisis and Continuity, p. 81;Google ScholarRapp, Richard T., “The Unmaking of the Mediterranean Trade Hegemony: International Trade Rivalry and the Commercial Revolution,” this JOURNAL, 35 (09 1975), 511–17.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Verlinden, Charles, “A propos de la politique économique des ducs de Bourgogne à l'égard de l” Hispania, 10 (1950), 681–715;Google ScholarGilliodts-van-Severen, Louis, Cartulaire de l'ancien consulat d' Espagne a Bruges, 1280–1550 (Bruges, 1901);Google ScholarMarechal, Joseph, “La colonie espagnole de Bruges du XIVe au XVIe siècle,” Revue du Nord, 35 (01–03 1953), 5–40;CrossRefGoogle ScholarTouchard, Henri, Le commerce maritime breton a la fin du Moyen Age (Paris, 1967);Google ScholarMollat, Michel, Le commerce maritime normand a lafin du Moyen Age (Paris, 1952);Google ScholarChilds, Wendy R., Anglo-Castilian Trade in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester, 1978), pp. 216–17;Google ScholarRuiz, Teófilo F., “Castilian Merchants in England, 1248–1350,” Order and innovation in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Strayer (Princeton, 1976), pp. 173–85.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Pike, Ruth, Aristocrats and Traders. Sevillian Society in the Sixteenth Century (Ithaca, New York, 1972), pp. 61, 123–26.Google ScholarEdwards, John H., “El comercio lanero en Córdoba bajo los Reyes CatOlicos,” Actas del I Congreso de Historia de Andalucía, December 1976 (1978), 1:423–28, analyzes nearly two hundred wool sale contracts for 1471–1515 that show the Burgalese domination of the Cordoban market.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Martín, Felipe Ruiz found that Italian, and particularly Genoese. merchant capitalists in Spain sought wool to export before 1551 and between 1559 and 1566, because the crown forbade the export of specie in those years. When specie could be freely exported after 1566, Ruiz's Italians moved out of the wool trade.Google Scholar Spanish merchants played the role of simple intermediaries for the Italians, rather than having an independent status. “La empresa capitalista en la industria textil castellana durante los siglos XVI y XVII,” International Conference of Economic History, Munich, 1965 (Paris,. 1974). This view is not supported by the history of the wool trade or by the analysis of merchants and wool shown in Tables 1–3. Furthermore, although some Italians may have been brief, intense participants in the wool trade, many others were steady participants, particularly on the southeast coast where they continued to dominate long after 1566.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ AGS, CMC 3a, leg. 537; TMC, legs. 813–815.Google Scholar

⁸¹ AGS, Estado, leg. 194, letter of Bernardino de Avellaneda to the king, 26 Sept. 1603 and leg. 255, letter of Cespedes, J. G. to the king, 20 May 1614.Google Scholar Cited in Moret, Michèle, Aspects de la société marchande de Seville au debut du XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1967), p. 80.Google Scholar

⁸² Pérez, Fortea, Córdoba, pp. 341–43.Google Scholar

⁸³ Fernández, Manuel Basas, ”Relaciones económicas entre Burgos y Florencia en el siglo XVI,” Boletín de la Institución Ferndn Gonzádlez (1965), 689–713. On pp. 704–13 Basas prints short biographies of Spanish merchants dealing with Italy.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Martín, Felipe Ruiz, “Rasgos estructurales de Castilla en tiempos de Carlos V,” Moneda y Crédito, 96 (1966), 91–108.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid), Colección de Vargas Ponce, tomo 29 contains the records of one Burgalese attempt to monopolize the wool trade in 1624–1625. See also Pujal, Jaime Carrera, Historia de la economla española, 5 vols. (Barcelona, 1943–1947), 2:121–48;Google Scholar and Albaladejo, Pablo Fernández, La crisis del Antiguo Régimen de Guipdzcoa, 1766–1833: Cambio económico e hisgoia (Madrid, 1975), p. 84.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ AGS, CMC 3a, leg. 2249. For the increased role of Basques in the wool trade see Sanz, García, Desarrollo y crisis, pp. 116–17, 241–42.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Sevilla, Archivo Municipal de (Seville), Contaduría, Carpeta 154.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ AGS, CMC 3a, leg. 2249; TMC, leg. 836.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See, for example, Calatayud, Trarados, passim, and Saillant, Charles Philibert Lasteyrie du, Trairé sur les bêres à lame d' Espagne (Paris, 1799), pp. 99–101.Google Scholar