This article will treat attention to variability as a perceptual structure which mediates the transition from sensorimotor activity to language. The guiding idea is that the attentional system is geared to variability from the very beginning of life and that a speaker's language use is coordinated with this system as it emerges.

Although cognitive precursors of language production have received considerable attention, the relationship of cognitive development to language comprehension development remains unexplored. In the present research, the relationship of object permanence and classification skills to receptive, as well as expressive, language development was investigated in infants between 0; 9 and 1; 3. Results indicated that object permanence, classification, and parent–child verbal interaction ratings were about equally related to language comprehension functioning. No prerequisite stage of object permanence functioning could be discerned. On the other hand, object permanence was more strongly related to language production than were classification and verbal interaction. Furthermore, it appeared that a minimum of Stage 5 object permanence functioning was necessary prior to the onset of language production.

This paper examines four mothers' responses to three object-related gestures (pointing, extending objects, and open-handed reaching) by their first-born infants from 0; 9 to 1; 6, and the impact of their responses on the children's transition from gestural to verbal communication. Analysis revealed that the mothers responded differentially to their children's pointing gestures, reciprocating to a greater degree with labels of the indicated objects. The children, in turn, produced more object-labelling words with pointing than with other gestures. In addition, the mothers' labelling responses to pointing significantly predicted the extent of their children's object-naming vocabularies.

Early in the development of language, children must learn to relate the language they hear to objects and events in their immediate perceptual environment. Gilmore (1977) found that infants at the two-word stage of language production and, under certain conditions, some infants at the one-word stage as well, seemed to map a simple sentence (e.g. The bunny hugs the kitty) onto a visual event (which, for example, showed a puppet rabbit hugging a puppet cat). In Gilmore's experiment, a habituation series of trials, presenting either appropriate pairings of a variety of sentences with visual events (as in the above example), or inappropriate pairings (e.g. The kitty hugs the bunny, when, in fact, the reverse was true) were presented repeatedly until subjects habituated. A test series of trials followed with an inappropriate/appropriate pairing, whichever was not used during habituation. Two-word subjects seemed to discriminate between the test and habituation pairings in either case. One-word subjects seemed to discrimi- nate only when they received the appropriate pairing during habituation and the inappropriate during the test.

Five hypotheses are explored about the role of REDUPLICATION in phonological development. Specifically, it was postulated that children who frequently reduplicate would (a) use more multisyllables, (b) be better at maintaining adult syllable structure, and (c) show limited ability at final consonant production. For all children, it was further proposed that reduplication would (d) be used predominantly as a means to maintain a nonreduplicated adult syllable, and (e) characterize the speech of the youngest subjects. Data were analysed for 24 children between 1; 1 and 2; 8, and compared when possible to results reported in Schwartz, Leonard, Wilcox & Folger (1980). The results confirmed the above hypotheses, revealing reduplication to be a general pattern during the earliest stages of phonological development that is used most frequently by children preferring to follow a multisyllabic rather than monosyllabic course of development.

Three experiments are reported which explored the conditions under which intra-word phonological variability occurs. Using an unsolicited imitation task, evidence of variability was obtained for words containing two or more phonological characteristics (consonants, word shapes) that were unstable in the child's speech, and for words containing both unstable characteristics and characteristics the child had not shown any evidence of producing with accuracy. Intra-word variability was most likely to occur when more than one aspect was in a state of instability or when one aspect was unstable and another was non-acquired. Words containing two phonological aspects not yet acquired by the child seemed to have little influence on variability. The findings indicate that variability can be attributed to (1) the presence of optional simplification processes, (2) the presence of more than one process applicable to a specific aspect of the word, (3) a competition between two aspects of the word for accurate surface realization, and/or (4) a competition between consonant approximation and word shape approximation.

Menn has suggested that most early phonological rules have the effect of reducing the variety of the child's phonetic output forms. This proposal is compatible with the Interactionist–Discovery (I–D) theory of phonological acquisition. This paper presents one child's unique phonological rule which increases output variety and yet still yields a mismatch with the adult form. Evidence is presented which indicates that the rule was a stable and productive part of the child's phonology and that it was both phonetically and phonologically motivated. It is argued that an addition to the early strategies described by Menn is needed to account, specifically, for the discovery of this unique rule and, generally, for later stages of phonological development.

The tendency of 30 children between the ages of 2; 0 and 2; 1 to overextend and/or underextend newly uttered, but previously understood words in comprehension and production was examined. It was found that both overextensions and underextensions occurred in comprehension and in production. Similarly, in both modes of speech children made more underextensions to peripheral than to central referents, and more overextensions to perceptually similar than to perceptually dissimilar nonreferents. The frequencies of overextensions and underextensions, however, were not the same in comprehension and production. Overextensions occurred more frequently in comprehension than in production, while conversely underextensions occurred more frequently in production than in comprehension. These data are discussed in terms of differences between children's and adult's word meanings, and between comprehension and production.

A case is reported of failure to supply negation in tag questions for a period of nearly two years. The duration of this error shows that it could not have been the result of limited processing capacity, and this provides reason to doubt this explanation for the similar case of children's failure to invert subject and auxiliary verb in wh-questions. It is argued that other cases which have been explained in terms of limited processing capacity are equally compatible with an explanation in terms of context-specific knowledge, which holds that a rule is simply not known for contexts other than those where it is expressed.

Seventy-five children, 3, 4, and 5 years old, were interviewed about: (a) toys they had played with just a few minutes earlier, (b) toys they had played with on the preceding day, (c) toys they would play with in a few minutes, and (d) toys reserved for use on the following day. Verb forms indicating past and future time were used as well as the adverbials before and after. The past verb form was understood equally well in reference to the immediate past and the more remote past. However, the future verb form was better understood in reference to the immediate future than in reference to the remote future (the following day). The difference is discussed in terms of the intersection of time and mood in future verb forms. Immediacy of action and certainty of occurrence are suggested as early meaning components of future verb forms.

Kindergarteners, grouped according to number conservation ability, were asked to explain their choices of more and less in a series of parallel tasks requiring comparative judgements of continuous quantities. Errors on less tasks, as well as correct choices of more, were often determined by the non-linguistic strategy of choosing the greater amount. Non-conservers were more likely than conservers or transitional conservers to rely on this strategy. Furthermore, mature semantic knowledge of more was found to precede the development of a similar understanding of less. Non-conservers were less likely than conservers or transitionals to have a mature understanding of either term.

Two experiments are reported in each of which eighty children between the ages of two and six years of age were given a series of commands containing relational terms and similar commands in which the relational terms were replaced by nonsense. The results indicated that children are able to use information from a number of sources which help them to interpret such commands. Younger children, particularly, seemed to rely relatively little upon word meaning, per se. Evidence is offered that the children's responses were constrained by the non-linguistic context, by prior repetition of commands, and by information available from the linguistic context.

A distinction has been drawn between tag questions which occur within the same temporally defined turn and those in a second turn by the same speaker. A TAG CONSTRUCTION has been defined as a MATRIX CLAUSE (any syntax) and a TAG FORM (reduced interrogative in elliptical constructions; or interrogative expression in stereotypical constructions) produced WITHIN THE SAME TURN. The discoursal functions of tag constructions include requests for information, agreement, permission, compliance, responsiveness and attention. Although stereotypical tag constructions emerge earlier in development than elliptical tag constructions, from the beginning stereotypical tag constructions perform the same discoursal functions as the grammatically more complex elliptical constructions as well as additional ones. Tag constructions are less effective than canonical questions in obtaining turn transfers. This relative ineffectiveness may be due to either the post-positioned clearance signal or the fact that the listener feels less compelled to respond when the speaker seems to have an expectation as to what the response to the request should be.

Verb-pattern alternation in Hebrew is characterized in terms of consonantal roots associated with a fixed set of morphological patterns in the lexicalized expression of categories such as causative, reflexive, inchoative and passive. It is assumed that at first Hebrew-speaking children will use a verb-root in one invariant pattern, and hence may also neutralize required morpho-semantic distinctions. Observational and experimental data from children aged 2; 6 to 5; 6 reveal a development in linguistic control of the system from non-alternation to near-mastery, with the concepts of causativity and distinctions in transitivity being lexicalized earlier than others. These findings are discussed in terms of the interplay between linguistic and conceptual development, and the evidence from language acquisition for linguistic theory.

Structural and contextual constraints on coordination in child speech are discussed. An elicited production study with English- and Japanese-speaking children in which these constraints were manipulated is reported. Results show referential context to be an important determinant of conjunction structure. In addition, structural parameters also influenced the extent to which redundancy is expressed in utterances. A preliminary model of coordination production based on a conjunction rule is proposed.

21 first graders and 20 third graders were told to pick drawings of clowns out of an array on the basis of ambiguous messages. One of the messages could be taken to refer to either of two clowns, depending on which interpretive strategy the child employed. The other message could be given no definite interpretation. Although 23 of 41 children refused to make a definite choice for the second message, 31 specified choices for the first message. First graders applied an Antecedence Maxim strategy. Third graders used a Quantity Maxim strategy.

The present study tested Huttenlocher & Weiner's (1971) hypothesis concerning the role of grammatical function in sentence comprehension. Children arranged objects to correspond to descriptions of transitive relations in two tasks. The patterns of object placements provided evidence of how children understood the various sentence forms. Contrary to Huttenlocher & Weiner's hypothesis, grammatical function was not a critical factor in object placements. This was true based on the group data or individual-based analyses. Two factors were important: logical function and order of mention of the items in the sentence. Whether an item was grammatical subject or grammatical object did not affect subjects' choices. The order of mention effects resulted from inattention to sentence meaning prior to the initial choices on certain trials. If the logical relations in a sentence were understood prior to the response, only logical function influenced subjects' responses.

Four master–dog dyads were studied to determine whether the language that is used in speaking to dogs (doggerel) resembles the language that is used in speaking to children (motherese). The structural properties of doggerel are strikingly similar to those that have been reported for motherese. Certain differences between motherese and doggerel may arise in functional and social areas. The similarities between the two language registers suggest that motherese is not elicited in response to either the linguistic level or the cognitive/intellectual level of the child. Rather, the social responsiveness of the listener may be sufficient to elicit the motherese register.