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¹⁰ Although, Susan Doran argues that James suffered a fractured and fragile relationship with Elizabeth. See Doran, “Loving and Affectionate Cousins? The Relationship Between Elizabeth I and James VI of Scotland,” in Tudor England and Its Neighbours, ed. Doran, Susan and Richardson, Glenn (Basingstoke, 2005), 203–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ Arbella's numerous attempts to escape, her connection with the earl of Essex, and her secret marriage to the earl of Hertford failed to earn the credit of chief courtiers such as Robert Cecil. See De Lisle, Leanda, After Elizabeth: How James King of Scots Won the Crown of England in 1603 (London, 2004), 96–115Google Scholar. On James's correspondence with Cecil and Henry Howard, see Stewart, Alan, A Cradle King: A Life of James VI and I (London, 2003), 164–85Google Scholar; Newton, Diana, prologue to The Making of the Jacobean Regime (London, 2006)Google Scholar; Andersson, D. C., Lord Henry Howard: An Elizabethan Life (Cambridge, 2009), 177–78Google Scholar. Cecil's religious stance broadly matched James's liberal policies. See Croft, Pauline, “The Religion of Robert Cecil,” Historical Journal 34 (1991): 773–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁴ In response to Jenny Wormald, who thought that James's Trew Law of Free Monarchies (1598) was an academic exercise, Peter Lake has argued that it was written specifically to rebut Parsons's theory of elective monarchy. See Wormald, Jenny, “James VI and I, Basilicon Doron and The Trew Law of Free Monarchies: The Scottish Context and the English Translation,” in The Mental World of the Jacobean Court, ed. Peck, Linda Levy (Cambridge, 1991), 36–54Google Scholar; Lake, Peter, “The King (Queen) and the Jesuit: James Stuart's Trew Law of Free Monarchies in Context/s,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 14 (2004): 243–60Google Scholar. Marie Axton focuses primarily on the cultural manifestation of succession anxieties (Axton, Queen's Two Bodies, chap. 7). Doran, Susan, “Three Late-Elizabethan Succession Tracts,” in Struggles for the Succession in Late Elizabethan England: Politics, Polemics and Cultural Representations, ed. Meyer, Jean-Christophe (Montpellier, 2004), 91–117Google Scholar; Doran, Susan, “James VI and the English Succession,” in James VI and I: Ideas, Authority, and Government, ed. Houlbrooke, Ralph (Aldershot, 2006), 25–42Google Scholar; McLaren, Anne, “Challenging the Monarchical Republic: James I's Articulation of Kingship,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England: Essays in Response to Patrick Collinson, ed. McDiarmaid, J. F. (Cambridge, 2007), 165–81Google Scholar. All three, however, identify Persons's Conference as the watershed for the polemics for the Jacobean succession, producing a “Protestant Stuart counterblast” (Axton, Queen's Two Bodies, 95).

¹⁵ Lake has argued that James's absolutist theory in his Trew Law is indisputably a riposte to Parsons. See Lake, “King and Jesuit,” 250–57. James's aversion to elective monarchy remained unchanged later in his reign, as he was extremely reluctant to support his son-in-law, Elector Palatine Frederick, who had been elected the king of Bohemia in 1619. See Patterson, W. B., King James VI and I and the Reunion of Christendom (Cambridge, 1997), 303–05Google Scholar.

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²³ Conrad Russell sheds light on the issue of succession in the union debate (“The Anglo-Scottish Union, 1603–1643: A Success?” in Religion, Culture and Society in Early Modern Britain, ed. Fletcher, Anthony and Roberts, Peter [Cambridge, 1994], 249–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar). In her study of early modern drama, Lisa Hopkins has also suggested that Jacobean literary productions continued to address the legal and constitutional questions raised by the succession debate, perceiving the issue to be unresolved. See Hopkins, Lisa, Drama and the Succession to the Crown, 1561–1633 (Farnham, 2011)Google Scholar.

²⁴ For the impact of Mary's marriage on Elizabeth's matrimonial negotiations, see Doran, Susan, Monarchy and Matrimony: The Courtships of Elizabeth I (London, 1996), 78–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mary had long claimed her inheritance to the English crown from the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, supported by those at home and overseas unhappy with the settlement of religion and who believed that the queen of Scots was the rightful monarch to Mary Tudor. For the early Elizabethan discourse over Mary and her supporters, see Guy, John, Queen of Scots: The True Life of Mary Stuart (Boston, 2004)Google Scholar; Alford, Stephen, Burghley: William Cecil at the Court of Elizabeth I (New Haven, CT, 2008), 104–05, 185, 191, 193, 254, 265Google Scholar.

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²⁶ John Hales, A Declaratyon of the Successyon of the Crowne Imperyall of England (1563). For the detailed analysis, see Levine, Succession Question, chap. 7. However, Mary's marriage to Henry, Lord Darnley, in 1565 would effectively undermine Hales's argument since the children between them could claim to be English. For the “weakness” of the Elizabethan regime that the Darnley marriage exposed, see Alford, Early Elizabethan Polity, 121–38.

²⁷ The English questioned Lesley's involvement in the Rudolfi Plot. See Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, ed. Hartley, T. E., 3 vols. (Leicester, 1981) 1:271, 272, 320–23, 346–48Google Scholar.

²⁸ There is a manuscript treatise titled “A discors upon certen pointes touching the Enheritaunce of the Crowne: Conceaued by Sir Anthonie Browne Iustice, and aunswered by Sir Nicholas Bacon L: Chancellor of Englande,” MS Harley 537, ART 4 (Harley 555), British Library, reported to be written by Nicholas Bacon. Levine pointed out that the tract was wrongly attributed to Bacon by Booth, Nathanial, The Right of Succession (London, 1723)Google Scholar, and a comparison of the two texts reveals that the tract attributed to Bacon is the second book of Lesley's Defence of Mary and that attributed to Browne is Hales's Declaration. See Levine, Early Elizabethan Succession, 220.

²⁹ Lesley, A defence of the Honor of … Marie, Queen of Scotland (hereafter Defence of Mary) (1566), sig. 61^v.

³⁰ Lesley, Defence of Mary, sigs. 68^v–69^r.

³¹ Lesley, A Treatise touching the right, title, and interest of the most excellent Princess Marie, Queen of Scotland (hereafter Treatise) (1584), sigs. D2.

³² Lesley, Treatise, sigs. D3^r, D4^v.

³³ Lesley, Treatise, sigs. E2^r–E3^r.

³⁴ The term “corporate sole” was increasingly used to refer to parsons in their inheritance of glebes, but church was not described as a “corporation.” See Maitland, F. W., The Collected Papers of F. W. Maitland, ed. Fisher, H. A. L., 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1911), 3:244–70Google Scholar; Maitland, F. W., State, Trust and Corporation, ed. Runciman, David and Ryan, Magnus (Cambridge, 2003), 11–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁷ Coke, Commentary on Littleton, 341a.

³⁸ Plowden, Commentaries or Reports, (London, 1816), 2122, quoted in Maitland, State, Trust and Corporation, 46.

³⁹ Levine, Succession Question, 111.

⁴⁰ Lesley, Treatise, sigs. E3.

⁴¹ The theory of the king's two bodies was originally advanced by Plowden as part of a legal dispute involving the Duchy of Lancaster in 1561. Marie Axton has most extensively analyzed Plowden's treatise. She argued that Plowden's theory of the two bodies was “popularised,” seeing greater dissemination in theatrical and literary productions as “analogues” for a Stuart succession (Axton, Queen's Two Bodies, 36).

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⁴³ Harley MS 849, f. 2^r, British Library. The theory of the king's two bodies was more officially elucidated in Plowden's Commentaries, available in English Reports, 75:213.

⁴⁴ Kantorowicz, King's Two Bodies, 10–13.

⁴⁵ Ibid, f. 7^r.

⁴⁶ Ibid, ff. 19^v–20^r.

⁴⁷ Axton, Marie, “The Influence of Edmund Plowden's Succession Treatise,” Huntington Library Quarterly 32 (1974): 209–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁹ See Hartley, Proceedings of Elizabethan Parliament, 302–10.

⁵⁰ Legal scholars suggest that it was composed by Middle Temple lawyer William Fleetwood (c. 1525–1594), sometime between 1571 and the 1580s. Multiple copies remain. See Brooks, Law, Society and Politics, 74–75; Baker, J. H. and Ringrose, J. S., eds., A Catalogue of English Legal Manuscripts in Cambridge University Library (Suffolk, 1996), 652–53Google Scholar. For the debate in the Parliament of 1571/72, see Proceedings in the Parliaments of Elizabeth I, 2 vols., ed. Hartley, T. E. (Leicester, 1981), 1:1558–1581, 259–318Google Scholar.

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⁵² Ibid., f. 20^v.

⁵³ Ibid., f. 21^r.

⁵⁴ Ibid., f. 23^v.

⁵⁵ Ibid., f. 24^r.

⁵⁶ Ibid., ff. 39^v–40^r.

⁵⁷ The Parliaments of 1571, 1572, and 1586/87 made many attempts to take matters in hand, and most notably, Lord Burghley William Cecil was prepared to erect a republican council and appoint the heir in case Elizabeth died without children. Many modern studies highlight the incentives of Parliament for their intervention in the succession. See Collinson, Patrick, “The Elizabethan Exclusion Crisis and the Elizabethan Polity,” Proceedings of the British Academy 84 (1994): 51–93Google Scholar; Alford, Elizabethan Polity, 110–15. Alford suggests that Cecil was involved in drafting the proposal as early as 1563.

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⁶² Linda Levy Peck, Northampton: Patronage and Policy at the Court of James I (1982), 19. For the meeting that took place in London, 1601, between Robert Cecil and James's representative, the Earl of Mar, see Loades, David, The Cecils: Privilege and Power behind the Throne (London, 2007), 220–22Google Scholar. For the letters exchanged between James and Cecil, see J. Bruce, ed., The Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil with James VI (1766), nos. 9 and 6.

⁶³ For the Allen-Parsons league of Catholic pamphlets, see Clancy, Papist Pamphleteers, 14–43. Clancy stresses the prevailing anti-Cecilian element in the Catholic campaign.

⁶⁴ Doleman, R. [Robert Parsons], A Conference about the Next Succession for the Crown of England (Antwerp, 1595), pt. II, 32Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ For the composition and reception of Persons's Conference, see Holmes, Peter, “The Authorship and Early Reception of a Conference about the Next Succession to the Crown of England,” Historical Journal 23, no. 2 (June 1980): 415–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tutino, Stafania, “The Political Thought of Robert Parson's Conference in Continental Context,” Historical Journal 52, no. 1 (2009): 43–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Houliston, Victor, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Parsons's Jesuit Polemic, 1580–1610 (Aldershot, 2007), 79Google Scholar. For the Scottish reception of the Conference, see Doran, “Three Succession Tracts,” 95–99.

⁶⁶ Doleman, Conference, pt. 1, 131.

⁶⁷ 1 February 1601, ibid., 682.

⁶⁸ 1 February 1603, ibid., 719–23. Also contributing to the course correction was the infanta's husband, Archduke Albert of Austria, who was much more interested in maintaining the Spanish Netherlands than the British Isles.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 726–27. Recent studies have argued that by appropriating Protestant rhetoric of lawful resistance theories of election, the Conference failed to earn papal support. On 9 December 1596, Thomas Phelips reported to Essex that Persons's book infuriated a papal nuncio, who stated that Persons had ruined himself. It was also said that the “Pope would detest his behaviour, and that he could never have done anything more disgustable to the Pope” (Calendar of Cecil Papers, 6:512–13). For the continental reception of the Conference, also see Tutino, “Parsons's Conference,” 51–56; Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England, 87–88.

⁷⁰ Peter Wentworth's first tract managed to win Burghley's favor. Neale thought that Wentworth, who had earlier hoped for the Suffolk succession, had been “converted” at least by 1594 to supporting James following Mary's death. See Neale, “Peter Wentworth,” 186–87, 195–98. Collinson further suggested that from extremely “Puritan” motives, Wentworth had decided on James after the execution of Mary Queen of Scots. See Collinson, “The Religious Factor,” 243–73. Doran has successfully demonstrated that Wentworth's works, commissioned by the royal printer Robert Waldegrave, were part of James's campaign against Parsons. See Doran, “Three Succession Tracts,” 99. Also see Hartley, T. E., Elizabethan Parliaments: Queen, Lords and Commons, 1559–1601 (Manchester, 1992), chap. 7Google Scholar. Hartley stresses that as he became “patently” concerned for the succession toward the end of his career, the speech of 27 February 1587 on Parliament's freedom of speech was “undoubtedly a speech for the succession” (137). But Hartley hardly discusses the religious agitation in Parliament that contributed to Wentworth's support for James VI.

⁷¹ Hartley, Proceedings, 1:427–28.

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⁷³ Wentworth, A treatise containing M. Wentworths judgement concerning the person of the true and lawfull successor to these realmes of England and Scotland (1598), 53–54, 55–56.

⁷⁴ See McLaren, “James's Articulation of Kingship,” 171. Doran suggests that in addition to Wentworth, Alexander Dickson was part of James's campaign against Parsons. See Doran, “Three Succession Tracts,” 101–04.

⁷⁵ Irenicus Philodikaios, A treatise declaring, and confirming the just title and righte of Iames the sixt (1599), sigs. 3^r–4^v. A manuscript draft survives in Cambridge University Library (MS Ii. IV. 33). The tract was given the first scholarly light by Susan Doran, who dates the work to be between 1598 and 1600. See Doran, “Three Succession Tracts,” 106–11.

⁷⁶ Philodikaios, Treatise, sigs. B1.

⁷⁷ MS Ii. IV. 33, f. 51^v, Cambridge University Library.

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⁹⁹ 1 Jac. 1 c. 1.

¹⁰⁰ James, “Speech, 1607,” Political Writings, 161.

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¹⁰³ For Bacon, the naturalization of Scots was to serve as the springboard for union of laws. See Bacon, Works, 10:314. James's involvement is also testified by Ellesmere in his letter to the king. See Galloway, Union, 149.

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¹¹⁶ Guy, “The 1590s,” 7–9; Peter Lake, “‘The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I’ (and the Fall of Archbishop Grindal) Revisited,” in Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England, 144–45.

¹¹⁷ McLaren, James's articulation of kingship, 166–70.

¹¹⁸ Pauline Croft, “‘The state of the world is marvellously changed’: England, Spain and Europe 1558–1604,” in Tudor England and Its Neighbours, 139–77.

¹¹⁹ Alan Haynes suggested that James had rather been an “Essexite” than “Cecilian,” whereas Cecil was thought to support the Suffolk candidate Edward Seymour. It was not until the meeting of Cecil and the king's Scottish representatives in 1601 that the secretary made clear his unswerving support for the king. See Robert Cecil: Earl of Salisbury, 1563–1612, the Servant of Two Sovereigns (London, 1989), 88–89. For the specific role of William Cecil, who was convinced that Mary was the greatest threat to Elizabeth's throne, played for her execution, see Alford, Burghley, chap. 18. For Wentworth and his letter to Cecil, see Neale, “Peter Wentworth,” 185. For the puritan motive for the Stuart claim, see Collinson, “Religious Factor.”

¹²⁰ Jansson, Proceedings 1614, 311.