¹ Edward Brodribb, speech on taxation before the Financial Reform Association, Liverpool Times, 22 November 1849, also published in Hunt's Merchants Magazine (January–February 1850): 35, and in the postscript to Tea and the Tea Trade: Parts First and Second (New York, 1850)Google Scholar.

² A Treatise on the Inherent Qualities of the Tea-Herb: Being an Account of the Natural Virtues of the Bohea, Green and Imperial Teas (London, 1750)Google Scholar, frontispiece.

³ The actual phrase is “cups, That cheer but not inebriate,” but it was always misquoted. Cowper, William, The Task: A Poem in Six Books (London, 1785)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, book IV, 131.

⁴ See, for example, Hanway, Jonas, An Essay on Tea: Considered as Pernicious to Health; Obstructing Industry; and Impoverishing the Nation (London, 1756)Google Scholar. For a full analysis, see Mintz, Sidney W., Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; Schivelbusch, Wolfgang, Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices, Stimulants and Intoxicants (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Kowalski-Wallace, Elizabeth, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping, and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1997)Google Scholar; Sussman, Charlotte, Consuming Anxieties: Consumer Protest, Gender, and British Slavery, 1713–1833 (Stanford, 2000), 34–48Google Scholar; Smith, Woodruff D., Consumption and Respectability, 1600–1800 (New York, 2002)Google Scholar; Breen, Timothy, The Marketplace of Revolution: How Consumer Politics Shaped American Independence (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar; Cowan, Brian, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffee House (New Haven, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁵ The most thorough study of the social and political history of temperance remains Harrison, Brian, Drink and the Victorians: The Temperance Question in England, 1815–1872, 2nd ed. (Staffordshire, 1994)Google Scholar. See also Shiman, Lilian Lewis, Crusade against Drink in Victorian England (Hampshire, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Greenaway, John, Drink and British Politics Since 1830: A Study in Policy-Making (Hampshire, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholls, James, The Politics of Alcohol: A History of the Drink Question in England (Manchester, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Malcolm, Elizabeth, “Ireland Sober, Ireland Free”: Drink and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Dublin, 1986)Google Scholar.

⁶ See Durbach, Waddington, and Miller in this issue.

⁷ On tea and temperance, see Harrison, Drink and the Victorians. See also Ukers, William H., All About Tea, vol. I and II (New York, 1935)Google Scholar; Griffiths, Sir Percival, The History of the Indian Tea Industry (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Forrest, Denys, Tea for the British: The Social and Economic History of a Famous Trade (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Burnett, John, A Social History of Drinks in Modern Britain (London, 1999), 63Google Scholar; Pettigrew, Jane, A Social History of Tea (London, 2001), 13–32, 78Google Scholar; MacFarlane, Alan and MacFarlane, Iris, Green Gold: The Empire of Tea: A Remarkable History of the Plant That Took Over the World (London, 2003), 88–89Google Scholar; Roy Moxham, Tea: Addiction, Exploitation, and Empire (New York, 2003), 191; Hohenegger, Beatrice, Liquid Jade: The Story of Tea from East to West (New York, 2006), 106–08Google Scholar; Griffiths, John, Tea: The Drink That Changed the World (London, 2007), 54–56Google Scholar. Coffee and tea consumption were roughly on par with one another in the first half of the nineteenth century, but coffee declined dramatically between the 1850s and 1880s. For a contemporary explanation, see “The Decline of Coffee,” The Temperance Caterer 10, no. 161 (7 January 1888): 10Google Scholar.

⁸ “Tea Parties,” Livesey's Moral Reformer 2 (13 January 1838): 10Google Scholar. Livesey does not tell us how these affairs were paid for, but it seems that most were funded by a combination of philanthropic contribution and low-cost tickets paid for by attendees. They often turned a profit and became a common source of fund-raising for temperance and other philanthropies well into the twentieth century.

⁹ Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, 171–87; Kowalski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, 19–36.

¹⁰ Here I am writing a prehistory to the conception of the consumer Frank Trentmann has documented in Free Trade Nation: Commerce, Consumption, and Civil Society in Modern Britain (Oxford, 2008)Google Scholar. See also Valverde, Mariana, Diseases of the Will: Alcohol and the Dilemmas of Freedom (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.

¹¹ This is especially clear in a colonial setting. See Emmanuel Kwaku Akyeampong, Drink, Power, and Cultural Change: A Social History of Alcohol in Ghana, c. 1800 to Recent Times (Portsmouth, NH, 1996).

¹² Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 37.

¹³ Men and women operatives embraced temperance and new ideals of sexual morality and companionate marriage. Clark, Anna, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 119–20.

¹⁵ Bradley, Ian, The Call to Seriousness: The Evangelical Impact on the Victorians (London, 1976), 100–02Google Scholar. On material culture and evangelicalism, see Davidoff, Leonore and Hall, Catherine, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850 (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar; Cohen, Deborah, Household Gods: The British and Their Possessions (New Haven, 2006)Google Scholar. For evangelical influence on business practices and economic thought, see Hilton, Boyd, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought, 1795–1865 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Key works on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries include McKendrick, Neil, Brewer, John, and Plumb, J. H., The Birth of a Consumer Society in England (Bloomington 1982)Google Scholar; Shammas, Carole, The Pre-industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar; Brewer, John and Porter, Roy, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London and New York, 1994)Google Scholar; Weatherill, Lorna, Consumer Behaviour and Material Culture in Britain, 1660–1760 (Routledge, 1996)Google Scholar; Peck, Linda Levy, Consuming Splendor: Society and Culture in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; Berg, Maxine, Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2005)Google Scholar; Styles, John, The Dress of the People: Everyday Fashion in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven, 2007)Google Scholar; de Vries, Jan, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1650 to the Present (Cambridge, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vickery, Amanda, Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England (New Haven, 2009)Google Scholar. For the late nineteenth century, see Richards, Thomas, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851–1914 (Stanford, 1990)Google Scholar; Breward, Christopher, The Hidden Consumer: Masculinities, Fashion and City Life, 1860–1914 (Manchester, 1999)Google Scholar; Rappaport, Erika, Shopping for Pleasure: Women and the Making of London's West End (Princeton, 2000)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ On the US context, see Lears, Jackson, Fables of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America (New York, 1994)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee, especially chap. 2.

¹⁹ Especially important are Mintz, Sweetness and Power; Chatterjee, Piya, A Time for Tea: Women, Labor and Post/Colonial Politics on an Indian Plantation (Durham, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fromer, Julie E., A Necessary Luxury: Tea in Victorian England (Athens, OH, 2008)Google Scholar.

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²² Weatherill, Consumer Behavior (London, 1988), 185.

²³ Hoh-Cheung and Mui, Lorna H., “Smuggling and the British Tea Trade before 1784,” American Historical Review 74, no. 1 (October 1968): 44–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hoh-Cheung and Mui, Lorna H., The Management of Monopoly: A Study of the East India Company's Conduct of Its Tea Trade, 1784–1833 (Vancouver, 1984)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Between 1801 and 1810, per capita consumption was at 1.41 pounds a year. It fell to 1.28 in the next decade and did not recover its earlier rates until the 1840s. Burnett, A Social History of Drink, 57; Burnett, John, “Report on the Tea Duties,” Westminster Review 22, no. 44 (April 1835): 374Google Scholar.

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²⁷ Ibid., 126–28.

²⁸ Ian Levitt and Christopher Smout, The State of the Scottish Working-Class in 1843: A Statistical and Spatial Enquiry Based on the Data from the Poor Law Commission Report of 1844 (Edinburgh, 1979), 25–35.

²⁹ Gray, Jane, “Gender and Plebian Culture in Ulster,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 2 (Autumn 1993): 251–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lysaght, Patricia, “‘When I Makes Tea, I Makes Tea…’: Innovation in Food—The Case of Tea in Ireland,” Ulster Folklife 33 (1987): 44–71Google Scholar. See also E. Margaret Crawford, Aspects of the Irish Diet (PhD thesis, London School of Economics, 1985), 146.

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³⁵ Ibid., 61.

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⁵⁹ Quoted in Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 82.

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⁷⁸ Augst, Thomas, “Temperance, Mass Culture and the Romance of Experience,” American Literary History 19, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 298CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For another important study of temperance and the formation of Canadian consumer culture, see Donica Belisle's forthoming study, Contesting Consumption: Women and the Rise of Canadian Consumer Modernity, chap. 2.

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⁸⁰ “Splendid Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 1.

⁸¹ “Preston Temperance Tea Party,” Preston Temperance Advocate (February 1836): 12–13.

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⁸⁸ Richard Cobden subscribed to the British Association for the Promotion of Temperance when it formed in Manchester in 1835. Preston Temperance Advocate (November 1835): 94.

⁸⁹ Preston Temperance Advocate (September 1836) quoted in Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 150.

⁹⁰ Winskill chronicled dozens of parties in the 1830s. He noted, though that it is difficult to actually count them because many newspapers were in the hands of the drink trade and they thus avoided reporting the movement. The Temperance Movement, 2.

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⁹⁷ Domestic Life; or, Hints for Daily Use (London, 1841).

⁹⁸ Sometimes these were all-female events. “Female Abstinence Festival,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser (Liverpool) 1, no. 1 (15 December 1838)Google Scholar, n.p.

⁹⁹ Kowalski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects.

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¹⁰⁵ Quoted in Gurney, Peter, “‘The Sublime of the Bazaar’: A Moment in the Making of a Consumer Culture in Mid-Nineteenth Century England,” Journal of Social History 40, no. 2 (Winter 2006): 393–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹⁰ Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England, 48–49.

¹¹¹ On Lipton's advertising techniques, see Erika Rappaport, An Acquired Taste: A Global History of Tea, Empire and Consumer Culture (forthcoming); Ramamurthy, Anandi, Imperial Persuaders: Images of Africa and Asia in British Advertising (Manchester, 2003), 106–16Google Scholar. There are many popular histories of Lipton, but the best study remains Mathias, Peter, Retailing Revolution: A History of Multiple Retailing in the Food Trades based upon the Allied Suppliers Group of Companies (London, 1967)Google Scholar.

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¹¹⁵ “Coffee Shops in London,” Penny Magazine 9, no. 558 (12 December 1840): 488. Burnett, Plenty and Want, 83; Burnett, John, England Eats Out: A Social History of Eating Out in England from 1830 to the Present (Harlow, 2004), 46–50Google Scholar. Low duties on West Indian coffee and the expansion of cultivation in Ceylon led to falling prices and very rapidly expanding markets. Burnett, Plenty and Want, 80–84. The Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1834): 14; Whittock, Nathaniel, The Complete Book of Trades; or, the Parents' Guide and Youths' Instructor: Forming a Popular Encyclopedia of Trades, Manufactures, and Commerce (London, 1842), 159Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Dearden, A Brief History of Ancient and Modern Tee-Totalism, 21.

¹¹⁷ “Annual Christmas Tea Party of the Preston Temperance Society,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser 1, no. 4 (5 January 1839): n.p.

¹¹⁸ Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches, 79–82.

¹¹⁹ “Wigan Temperance Tea Party,” Teetotal Times and General Advertiser 1, no. 3 (29 December 1838): n.p.

¹²⁰ Poovey, Mary, Making a Social Body: British Cultural Formation, 1830–1864 (Chicago, 1995)Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, The Birth of the Clinic (New York, 1973)Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, “Governmentality,” in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, ed. Burchell, Graham, Gordon, Colin, and Miller, Peter (Chicago, 1991)Google Scholar; Vernon, Hunger.

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¹²² Quoted in Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 97.

¹²³ A good overview remains Greenberg, Michael, British Trade and the Opening of China, 1800–1842 (Cambridge, 1951), 175–95Google Scholar. First Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs of the East India Company (China Trade) (1830: Dublin, 1971)Google Scholar and Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords appointed to Enquire into the Present State of the Affairs of the East-India Company and into the Trade between Great Britain, the East-Indies and China (London, 1830). The cotton industry was particularly export oriented at this time. Farnie, D. A., The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (Oxford, 1979), 86Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Letters on the East India Monopoly originally published in the Glasgow Chronicle 1 (Glasgow 1812), 106.

¹²⁵ McCulloch, John Ramsey, Observations on the Influence of the East India Company's Monopoly on the Price and Supply of Tea; and on the Commerce with India, China, etc. . . . (London, 1831): 5Google Scholar; Corrected Report of the Speeches of Sir George Staunton on the China Trade in the House of Commons, June 4 and June 14th 1833 (London, 1833)Google Scholar.

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¹²⁷ Greenberg, British Trade and the Opening of China, 175.

¹²⁸ Gardella, Harvesting Mountains.

¹²⁹ Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 11.

¹³⁰ Phipps, John, A Practical Treatise on the China and Eastern Trade (Calcutta, 1835), 106–07Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Preston Temperance Advocate (January 1836): 7.

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¹³⁵ Proceedings of the Pubic Meeting on the Tea Duties, 3, 5.

¹³⁶ Also see Knight, Charles, “Illustrations of Cheapness: Tea,” Household Words (8 June 1850): 256Google Scholar.

¹³⁷ Harrison, Drink and the Victorians, 101.

¹³⁸ Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 5.

¹³⁹ The essays in Bridge, Carl and Fedorowich, Kent, eds., The British World: Diaspora, Culture and Identity (London, 2003)Google Scholar primarily focus on the later nineteenth century, but James Belich has proposed a longer history. See Replenishing the Earth: The Settler Revolution and the Rise of the Anglo-World, 1783–1939 (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Winskill, The Temperance Movement, 58, 63, 75–76.

¹⁴¹ Ibid., 60.

¹⁴² Report of the Executive Committee of the American Union, 1844 (New York, 1844), 14.

¹⁴³ There is a growing body of literature on American consumer culture and the China trade. See Frank, Caroline, Objectifying China, Imagining America: Chinese Commodities in Early America (Chicago, 2011)Google Scholar; Dolin, Eric Jay, When America First Met China: An Exotic History of Tea, Drugs, and Money in the Age of Sail (New York, 2012)Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁴ “The Tea Saloon,” Public Opinion 26, no. 25 (June 1899): 782Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ The American Missionary Register for the Year 1825 VI (December 1825): 375.

¹⁴⁶ See, for example, a 2,000-person tea party described in Chronicle of the London Missionary Society XII, no. 137 (May 1903): 111.

¹⁴⁷ Quoted in John, L. and Comaroff, Jean, Of Revelation and Revolution: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier, vol. 2 (Chicago, 1997), 236Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Rev. Campbell, John, Travels in South Africa, undertaken at the request of the London Missionary Society; being an account of a Second Journey in the Interior of the Cape, vol. 1 (London: Francis Westley, 1822), 164Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ These accounts also imply that Africans were not yet connected to the world economy, and this has been disproved by a number of historians. On East Africa in this period, see Prestholdt, Jeremy, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley, 2008)Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ Gurney, Co-Operative Culture.

¹⁵¹ League, 28 September 1844, quoted in Pickering, Paul A. and Tyrell, Alex, The People's Bread: A History of the Anti-Corn Law League (London: 2000), 134Google Scholar.

¹⁵² Report of the Conservative Tea Party (Birmingham, 1836), 49.

¹⁵³ The Temperance Record, 25 January 1873, 47. By the 1880s, a specialized journal, the Temperance Caterer, served this socially minded catering trade.

¹⁵⁴ For a further elaboration, see Erika Rappaport, Tea Revives the World: The British Empire and the Making of a Global Consumer Culture (forthcoming).

¹⁵⁵ Miller, Daniel, “Coca-Cola: A Black Sweet Drink from Trinidad,” in Material Cultures: Why Some Things Matter, ed. Miller, Daniel (Chicago, 1998), 170CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵⁶ Appadurai, Arjun, “Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy,” in Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis, 1996), 42Google Scholar.