¹ Tochi seido chisei seido chōsa hōkokusho [“A Report on the Investigation of the Land and Tax Systems”] (Keijō), pp. 703–704, 712–713 Google Scholar. Hyŏng-wŏn, Yu, Pan'gye surok [“Collected Essays”], (repr., Seoul, 1958)Google Scholar, 6.20b ff. 6 stands for kwŏn, in Chinese chüan. Though the size of one kyŏl of land varied according to time, region, and the quality of land, one average kyŏl corresponded approximately to 4.5 acres. The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes: IS for Injo sillok [The Annals of King Injo]; HS for Hyojong sillok [The Annals of King Hyojong]; PBTN for Pibyŏnsa tŭngnok [The Records of the Board of Defense].

² Hōkokusho, pp. 706–707, 714 Google Scholar. One sŏk. (a grain measure) consisted of 15 tu (grain measure). One tu was probably about 3–4 gallons.

³ HS, 14.21b.

⁴ HS, 18.9b. One kok was 10 tu (or mal).

⁵ For a detailed study on the early phase of the tribute tax systems, see Kōzō, Tagawa, “Richō kōbutsu kō,” [“A Study on the Tribute Tax of the Yi Dynasty”], Chōsen gakuhō, No. 9 (03 1956), pp. 103–163.Google Scholar

⁶ One of the original meanings of pangnap was, as the characters indicate, the prevention or interception of payment of the tribute tax by tax payers through middlemen or government agents (e.g. clerks). However, this term was later synonymously used with taenap, which means “payment by proxy.” See: Kwanghae-gun ilgi [“The Annals of King Kwanghae”], (Chŏngjok-san ed.), 36.16a–17b. Yi Pyŏng-do, Kuksa taegwan [“A General History of Korea”], (Seoul, 1961), p. 401 Google Scholar. Sang-baek, Yi, Han'guksa, Kŭnsejŏn'gi p'yŏn [“A History of Korea, Early Pre-modern Part”], (Seoul, 1962), pp. 439–440 Google Scholar. Hongsik, Yi (ed.), Kuksa tae sajŏn [“A Dictionary of Korean History”] (Seoul, 1962), I, 553 Google Scholar. Ho-jin, Ch'oe, Han'guk kyŏngje-sa kaeron [“An Outline of Economic History of Korea”], (Seoul, 1962), pp. 191–192 Google Scholar. See also: Kōzō, Tagawa, “Kōnō ukeoi no konin,” [“The Official Recognition of Contract for the Payment of Tribute Tax”], Chōsen gakuhō, No. 19 (1961), pp. 55–104.Google Scholar

⁷ Tong, p'il, and cha are cloth measures. One tong consisted of 50 p'il. One p'il was probably 40 cha. One cha was about 18 inches long and 16 inches wide.

⁸ Cho Kwang-jo, Chŏngam sŏnsaeng munjip [“Collected Works”], compiled by Pak Se-ch'ae. (1685), “yŏnbo.” 10b–11a; 3.17a–18b.

⁹ Yi I, Yulgok chŏnsŏ [“Collected Works”], (repr., Seoul, 1958), 15.20b–27aGoogle Scholar; see also 5.10b–44b.

¹⁰ The purge of 1519, known as Kimyo sahwa in Korean historiography, was a political incident in which a group of idealistic and reform-oriented young scholar-officials led by Cho Kwang-jo were purged from the government by another group of conservative officials. Many of them, including Cho himself, subsequently had to die either by execution or by committing suicide. Kim Sik was a brilliant scholar of Neo-Confucianism and one of the principal figures of the younger group. He was sent into banishment, but soon escaped and early in 1520 committed suicide at the age of 39. See: Chungjong sillok, [“The Annals of King Chungjong”], 38.720; 39.42b 443 ff. Wagner, Edward W., “The Recommendation Examination of 1519,” Chōsen gakuhō, No. 15 (1960), pp. 1–80 Google Scholar. Wagner, Edward W., The Literati Purges (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Harvard University, 1959)Google Scholar. Sin Sŏk-ho, “Kibō shika no yurai ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu” [“A Study on the Background of the Literati Purge of 1519”], Seikyū gakusō, No. 20 (1940), pp. 1–49.Google Scholar

¹¹ In 1610, under the decree of King Kwanghae, five eminent Confucian scholars, including Cho Kwang-jo, Yi On-jŏk (1491–1553), and Yi Hwang (1501–1570) were enshrined in the State Confucian Temple. In the following year, Chŏng In-hong (1535–1623), then Vice-Councilor of the State, attacked Yi On-jŏk and Yi Hwang in a memorial and expressed his disapproval of the enshrinement of the two Yi. This accusation immediately touched off a counterattack on Chŏng from the students of the Sŏnggyungwan and many others. Moreover, the students, one of whose leaders was apparently Kim Yuk, even removed the name of Chŏng from the register of Confucian scholars. Because of this extraordinary action, the king ordered the names of the student leaders of the anti-Chŏng movement removed from the register of the Confucian scholars and banned from taking the civil service examination for life. Though this order was soon withdrawn and the students were forgiven, because of the influence of a number of high officials, Kim Yuk left the capital and returned home, seeing that “the time was not right.” Kwanghae-gun ilgi, 33.2a–3a; 40.43 ff, 8b ff. Chōsen shi [“Korean History”], compiled by Chosen sōtokufu, (Keijo, 1933)Google Scholar, Part 5, 1.94ff. Chōsen jimmei jisho [“Korean Biographical Dictionary”], compiled by Chōsen sōtokufu, (Keijo, 1937), pp. 1000–1001.Google Scholar

¹² See for the foregoing biographical note: Chōsen jimmei jisho, pp. 1000–1001 Google Scholar. IS, 1.43b–44a; 7.13b.

¹³ HS, 7.11b, 32a.

¹⁴ This study is based primarily upon the Annals of the kings Injo and Hyojong. Unfortunately, Kim Yuk's Chamgok-jip [“The Collected Works of Kim Yuk”], was not available to me. For other works by Kim Yuk see: Maema Kyōsaku, Kosen sappu [“Bibliographical Notes on Old Korean Works”], (Tokyo, 1957).Google Scholar

¹⁵ IS, 37.22b–23a. For another study on the introduction of the Taedong program in Ch'ungch'ŏng province, see Han Young-kook, “Hosŏ e silsi toen Taedongbŏp,” (“On the Great Harmony System in Chung-cheng Province”), Part 1, The Yoksa Hakbo, No. 13 (10 1960), pp. 77–107.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁶ It is not quite clear when Kim Yuk's proposal was discussed by the members of the Royal Lecture. At least five meetings between the king and various members of the Royal Lectures are recorded to have been held by the time of the arrival of Kim Yuk's second memorial. Sec: IS, 37.24a–26a, 27b, 293 ff.

¹⁷ IS, 37·32a ff.

¹⁸ The miscellaneous levies, which were another source of official abuse and an unbearable burden on the peasantry, included contributions for building war junks, procuring horses for the service of the government, and covering various needs of the provincial government. See the first memorial by Kim Yuk.

¹⁹ IS, 37.323 ff.

²⁰ IS, 50.196–203.

²¹ HS, 2. 1a.

²² HS, 2.20a–21a.

²³ HS, 2.20a–21a. PBTN, 13.74b–75a.

²⁴ HS, 2.20a–21a.

²⁵ HS, 2.39a.

²⁸ HS, 2.40b–41a.

²⁷ In his memorial of this date, Kim Yuk referred to the purge of Kim Sik (his great-great grandfather) in 1519 and the death of an ancestral relative in banishment during the reign of King Kwanghae (1609–1623). See: HS, 3.2b–3a; 5.20b–21a.

²⁸ HS, 3.5b.

²⁹ Yi Kyŏng-sŏk was held responsible, as the chief of the government, for the alleged military preparation of Korea against the Manchus and was forced to resign in face of Manchu pressure. He was soon exiled to P'yŏngan province. He was succeeded by Yi Kyŏng-yŏ, the immediate predecessor of Kim Yuk. Kyŏng-yŏ, too, incurred the Manchus' disfavor and resigned on February 18, 1651. See: HS, 3.16b ff; 5-30b.

³⁰ HS, 3–3b.

³¹ HS, 6.3b.

³² HS, 6.38a ff.

³³ HS, 4.15a–16b; 6.38a ff. PBTN, 14.1760–1783.

³⁴ HS, 6.57b.

³⁵ HS, 7.3b.

³⁶ HS, 7.5b–6a.

³⁷ HS, 7.8b–9a.

³⁸ HS, 7.14a, 16a, 17a, 19b.

³⁹ HS, 7.23b–24b. For a study on the actual operation of the Taedong system in Ch'ungch'ŏng province, see also “Hosŏ e silsi toen Taedongbŏp” (“On the Tai-dong System in Chung-chong Province”), Part 2, The Yoksa Hakbo, No. 14 (04 1961), pp. 77–132.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ The transportation problem was stated in the general provisions of the Taedong program for Ch'ungch'ŏng province: “The districts along the sea and the river shall pay rice, and the mountain districts shall pay cotton cloth so that transportation difficulties may be avoided.” This was quoted in Han, Part 2, p. 82.

⁴¹ HS, 8.36a–38a.

⁴² See for instance the memorials by An Pang-jun and Yi Sang-jin in HS, 8.69a–70a; 9.34a–35b.

⁴³ King Hyojong's military program included the refortification of Kanghwa island and other strategic places, the expansion of military establishments and reserve forces, and the resumption of arms manufacture. These military activities were prohibited under the treaty with the Manchus. See for example: PBTN, 17.392a. HS, 10.39a ff; 14.3a, 5b ff, 10a ff, 21b, 26a ff; 16.6a ff, 9b, 11a ff.

⁴⁴ HS, 15.8a.

⁴⁵ HS, 15.8a.

⁴⁶ See HS, 19.5a ff; 20.14b ff.

⁴⁷ HS, 17.8b–10a.

⁴⁸ HS, 19.5a. See also HS, 10.50a. ff.

⁴⁹ HS, 19.7a ff.

⁵⁰ HS, 19.27b–28a. PBTN, 19.582b ff.

⁵¹ The details seem to have been drafted by November 1 and were soon sent to the governor of Chŏlla. At the time, the governor was especially instructed to collect information on the opinions of the people and magistrates about the program and to submit it together with his own view. The result arrived at the Board of Defense by December 11, 1657. Though the content is not known, the majority of the magistrates opposed the program. See: PBTN, 19.584b ff, 591a ff; HS, 19.52a ff.

⁵² HS, 20.19a.

⁵³ HS, 20.31a.

⁵⁴ HS, 20.31b.

⁵⁵ HS, 20.34a.

⁵⁶ HS, 20.36a ff.

⁵⁷ HS, 20.36a ff.

⁵⁸ For another study on the introduction of the Taedong program in Chŏlla province, see: Han Young-kook, “Honam e silsi toen Taedongbŏp” (“On the Tae-dong System in Cholla Province”), The Yoksa Hakpo, No. 15 (09 1961), pp. 31–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar