¹ British administrators at the time, and several authors since, tended to emphasize Barserion's manipulation of events, and to play down the initiating role of the elders and murenik in the protest: see note 2; Huntingford, G. W. B., The Nandi of Kenya: Tribal Control in a Pastoral Society (London, 1953), p. 42Google Scholar; and Matson, A. T., ‘Reflections on the Growth of Political Consciousness in Nandi’, in Ogot, B. A., ed., Politics and Nationalism in Colonial Kenya (Nairobi, 1972), pp. 18–45Google Scholar. A view more consonant with the interpretation presented here is found in Magut, P. K. Arap, ‘The Rise and Fall of the Nandi Orkoiyot, 1850–1957’, in McIntosh, B. G., ed., Ngano (Nairobi, 1971), 105–6.Google Scholar

² This article is based on material in the Kenya National Archives, which is available on microfilm from Syracuse University. The file on the unrest itself, compiled by Acting District Commissioner G. M. Castle-Smith, is found in PC/NZA 3/31/11, box 17, Nyanza Province Correspondence & Reports; Sec. 10A, S. U. Mic, ser. 2262, reel 21 (hereafter Report on Nandi Unrest). The archival material has obvious shortcomings. In the case of the unrest, these are especially due to the fact that depositions by Nandi after the arrest of Barserion provide a sketchy picture of events. Nevertheless, a careful sifting of this and other material reveals a pattern, which oral research on this period could confirm and refine.

³ The Nandi have been the subject of considerable anthropological study, but only recently has historical work been done on them. Recent historical studies have concentrated on their initial resistance to the imposition of British rule and have generally overlooked important developments in the colonial period, particularly on the issues of land and labour. For anthropological studies, in addition to Huntingford's works, see Hollis, Alfred C., The Nandi: Their Language and Folklore (Oxford, 1909)Google Scholar. The most comprehensive historical work is Matson, A. T., Nandi Resistance to British Rule, i (Nairobi, 1969)Google Scholar; vol. II is forthcoming. Some valuable oral evidence has been incorporated into articles by Ng'eny, Samuel K. Arap, ‘Nandi Resistance to the Establishment of British Administration, 1883–1906’, in Ogot, Bethwell A., ed., Hadith 2 (Nairobi, 1970), 104–26Google Scholar; and Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of the Nandi Orkoiyot’.Google Scholar

⁴ For an examination of this period in the light of the origins of nationalism in Kenya, see Lonsdale, John, ‘Some Origins of Nationalism in East Africa’, J. Afr. Hist. ix (1968), 120–46.Google Scholar

⁵ Rosberg, Carl and Nottingham, John, The Myth of Mau Mau: Nationalism in Kenya (London, 1966)Google Scholar; Thuku, Harry, Autobiography (Nairobi, 1970).Google Scholar

⁶ Munro, J. Forbes, Colonial Rule and the Kamba (Oxford, 1975), pt. 2.Google Scholar

⁷ Matson, , ‘Growth of Political Consciousness’, pp. 18–45.Google Scholar

⁸ King, Kenneth, ‘The Kenya Maasai and the Protest Phenomenon, 1900–1960’, J. Afr. Hist., xii (1971), 117–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Smith, Cynthia, ‘The Giriama Rising, 1914’, Ph.D. Diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1973.Google Scholar

⁹ Until 1919 Trans-Nzoia was part of the Uasin-Gishu district. The farms on the southeastern border of the reserve are variously referred to in this period as the Nandi farms, Upper Songhor or Songhor; in the mid-twenties they were divided administratively between the resident commissioner based at Eldoret (Uasin-Gishu district) and the resident commissioner of Kisumu-Londiani district, based at Kisumu.

¹⁰ The squatters have usually been seen as falling outside the context of political protest in Kenya because of their limited access to articulate leadership: Lonsdale, , ‘Origins of Nationalism’, p. 138Google Scholar. However, the recent research by Frank Furedi has outlined the history of Kikuyu squatter political expression, which, unlike that of the Nandi in the early twenties, was often divorced from the grievances and political leadership of Kikuyu in the reserve: ‘Kikuyu Squatters and the Changing Political Economy of the White Highlands’, unpub. paper, Conference on the Political Economy of Kenya, Cambridge Univ., 26–29 June 1975.Google Scholar

¹¹ For a discussion of this resistance, see Matson, A. T., ‘The Nandi Campaign Against the British, 1895–1906’, Transafrica Historical Papers, no. 1 (Nairobi, 1974).Google Scholar

¹² Matson, A. T., ‘Nandi Traditions on Raiding’, in Ogot, , ed., Hadith 2, 61–78Google Scholar. Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, ch. 1.Google Scholar

¹³ Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, ch. 1–4.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The historical importance of the institution of the orkoiyot in providing a much needed unifying focus is emphasized by Arap Magut.

¹⁵ Huntingford, G. W. B., ‘Nandi Witchcraft’, in Middleton, John and Winter, E. H., eds., Witchcraft and Sorcery in East Africa (New York, 1963), pp. 175–86.Google Scholar

¹⁶ This was most graphically illustrated in the Nandi execution of orkoiyot Kimnyole in 1890 as the result of a succession of natural calamities and disastrous cattle raids, Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of Nandi Orkoiyot’, p. 101Google Scholar, Matson, , Nandi Resistance, p. 31Google Scholar. Nandi Political Record Book (hereafter NPRB), vol. i, sec. I, pp. 22, 37, 63.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of Nandi Orkoiyot’, pp. 102–3.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Isaac, F. W. (Coll.), Nandi District Quarterly Report (hereafter NDQR), June 1905.Google Scholar

¹⁹ In the 1905–6 campaign, the Nandi lost 1,117 killed; 16,213 head of cattle were captured and 36,205 sheep and goats: 4,956 huts and grain stores were burned: Mungeam, G. H., British Rule in Kenya, 1895–1912 (Oxford, 1966), p. 156.Google Scholar

²⁰ The Government made little attempt before 1923 to respond to the Nandi demand for access to salt licks on alienated land, but suggested instead that the Nandi buy rock salt: Ainsworth, John (P.C.), Nandi District Inspection Report, 22 Sept. 1915Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 2/2, box 2, Nyanza Province Correspondence & Reports, Sec. 10A (hereafter NPC & R); Mic, S. U., ser. 2262, reel 1. NPRB, vol. i, sec. I, p. 21.Google Scholar

²¹ Hemsted, C. S. (D.C.), Nandi District Annual Report (hereafter NDAR), 1919–1920, p. 5Google Scholar; S. U. Mic, ser. 1145, reel 30.

²² Deacon, P. L. (D.C.), NDAR, 1916–1917Google Scholar. Famine in north Nandi from 1917–19 led to a massive migration onto the farms: Hemsted, C. S., NDAR, 1918–1919, p. 5Google Scholar; ‘Migration to Farms’, NPRB, vol. i, sec. III-d.

²³ The British pledge is reported in Hemsted, NDAR, 1907–8 and NPRB, vol. I, sec. 1, p. 31. Land grants in the early years led to some significant encroachments on the southern boundary, which the Nandi protested, NPRB, vol. I, sec. I, pp. 19, 21; sec. II, pp. 20, 31; Ainsworth, Inspection Report, 1913, NPC & R.

²⁴ See for example C. S. Hemsted's attitude toward the proposed 1920 land alienations in NDAR, 1919–20. Government inflexibility on the issue of salt licks was consistent through the baraza of 1922, see above, note 20, and text, p. 12.

²⁵ Wrigley, C. C., ‘Kenya: The Patterns of Economic Life, 1902–45’, in Harlow, Vincent, Chilver, E. M. and Smith, Alison, eds., History of East Africa, ii (Oxford, 1965), 223–32Google Scholar. For the specific case of western Kenya, see Ainsworth, John (P.C.), Nyanza Province Annual Report, 1911–1912.Google Scholar

²⁶ The Nandi were noted to be ‘very well off’, ‘exceedingly wealthy’, Traill, F. S. F. (D.C.), NDAR, 1912–1913Google Scholar; Deacon, P. L. (D. C), NDAR, 1915–1916Google Scholar; Deacon, , NDAR, 1916–1917.Google Scholar

²⁷ Champion, A. M. (R.C.), Uasin-Gishu District Annual Report (hereafter UGDAR), 1919–1920.Google Scholar

²⁸ The general unsuitability of the chiefs, headmen, and officially-appointed orkoiyot was noted periodically by a number of district commissioners, Mansergh, J. L. D., NDQR, June 1910Google Scholar; Monckton, N., NDAR, 1914–1915Google Scholar; Feild-Jones, A., NDAR, 1922Google Scholar. The lack of gain to be had from the offices, and sometimes, the lack of pay to headmen, was also noted: Hemsted, C. S., Special Report, Dec. 1909Google Scholar; Hemsted, R. W., NDQR, Mar. 1910Google Scholar; Monckton, , NDAR, 1914–1915Google Scholar. The opposition of the people to colonial demands at times rendered the headmen largely ineffectual: Mansergh, , NDQR, Sept. 1910Google Scholar; Traill, , NDAR, 1912–1913Google Scholar; Monckton, , NDAR, 1914–1915Google Scholar; Deacon, , NDAR, 1915–1916.Google Scholar

²⁹ Squatting first began in 1913, but greatly increased after 1916 as the result of the loosening of government controls over Nandi movement outside the reserve, and famine in north Nandi: Farrant, R. S. (D.C.), NDAR, 1913–1914Google Scholar; Deacon, , NDAR, 1916–1917Google Scholar; and note 22 above.

³⁰ Koko, Arap, Evidence of Nandi Taken at Kapsabet, 6 Oct. 1932Google Scholar, Kenya Land Commission Evidence, vol. xiv (hereafter KLCE), p. 237; Mic, S. U., ser. 1924, reel 9. Feild-Jones, NDAR, 1922, p. 50.Google Scholar

³¹ Huntingford, G. W. B., Nandi Work and Culture (London, 1950), pp. 73–4.Google Scholar

³² Ibid. NPRB, vol. I, sec. I, p. 24.

³³ The headmen expressed their objections from the beginning, Farrant, NDAR, 1913–14. These complaints were repeated in barazas in the early twenties: Home, E. B. (D.C.), NDAR, 1920–1921.Google Scholar

³⁴ This was the subject of considerable concern and official correspondence throughout the twenties: see ‘Stock Thefts, Nandi District’, file PC/NZA 3/18/5/1, box 11, NPC & R; Sec. 10A, S. U. Mic, ser. 2262, reel 15 (hereafter Stock Thefts, Nandi District).

³⁵ See Nyanza Province Diaries, esp. 29 Sept. 1927, and 23 July 1926, in files PC/NZA 3/26/2 and 3/26/4/2, Nyanza Province Miscellaneous Correspondence (hereafter NPMC); S. U. Mic, ser. 2804, reel 106.

³⁶ Nyanza Province Diary, Dec. 1924, file PC/NZA 3/26/4/1, NPMC.

³⁷ Hemsted, C. S., NDAR, 1914–1915.Google Scholar

³⁸ Deacon, , NDARs, 1915–1916, 1916–17Google Scholar. The unpopularity of the AIM mission was noted as late as 1922: Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922.Google Scholar

³⁹ Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, p. 57.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Minutes of baraza of 4 Oct. in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁴¹ Venereal disease was first noted in Hemsted, NDAR, 1908–9; malarial-type fevers were noted in the district reports for 1916–17 and 1918–19. Death from influenza was particularly heavy in 1918, and 1923: Hemsted, , NDAR, 1918–1919Google Scholar; Castle-Smith, , NDAR, 1923.Google Scholar

⁴² Wrigley, , ‘Patterns of Economic Life’, pp. 232–9Google Scholar. For an excellent discussion of this period, see Ross, William McGregor, Kenya From Within (London, 1927), esp. ch. 6.Google Scholar

⁴³ Home, , NDAR, 1920–1921.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The former estimate is that of the Kenya Land Commission in its 1933, report, para. 1058 in British Parliamentary Papers, Cmd. 4556 (1933–4), x, 275. Significantly higher statistics are given by Horne, NDAR, 1920–1: compensation Fls. 36,500 at Fls. 50 per hut, which represents 750 huts, or at least 2,250 residents.

⁴⁵ Alienations of Land From Native Reserves, Sir Edward Northey (Gov. of Kenya) to Winston Churchill (Sec. of State for the Cols.), 8 Aug. 1922, CO. 533/280; S. U. Mic, ser. 2260.

⁴⁶ Evidence of Nandi Taken at Kapsabet, , 6 Oct. 1932, KLCE, p. 235.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Home, NDAR, 1920–1921, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ NPRB, vol. I, sec. I, p. 31. Oral evidence of is. Whittall, G., KLCE, p. 230Google Scholar. In the baraza of 4 Oct. 1923, the Nandi complained of obstructed access to salt licks in the south, north, west and east, see Minutes of baraza in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁴⁹ Home, NDAR, 1920–1; Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1921.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Chepkiyen, Arap, Evidence of Nandi Taken at Kapsabet, and Translation of Letter From Nandi Elders, 6 Oct. 1932, KLCE, p. 239.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Chepkiyen, Arap, Chief Elijah, Evidence of Nandi Taken at Kapsabet, KLCE, p. 237.Google Scholar

⁵² Tax, Hut, NPRB, vol. i, sec. VI-b. NPRB, vol. i, sec. I, p. 40Google Scholar; Horne, , NDAR, 1920–1921, p. 5.Google Scholar

⁵³ Home, NDAR, 1920–1.

⁵⁴ Hemsted, C. S., Special Report, Dec. 1909Google Scholar; Home, NDAR, 1920–1. The hut tax was reduced in 1922 from Sh. 16 to 12, but in the context of the continuing quarantine, it remained severe, Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 1.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Ibid. pp. 2, 43; NPRB, vol. ii, sec. II-a.

⁵⁷ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid.

⁵⁹ Ibid. pp. 47, 57.

⁶⁰ Reported in ibid. p. 6.

⁶¹ Ibid. pp. 10, 52.

⁶² Ibid. pp. 2, 39.

⁶³ Ibid. p. 12.

⁶⁴ For labour conditions in building the Plateau railway see Ross, , p. 249Google Scholar: ‘a death-rate of 83 per 1,000 per annum being reached in the month of May 1922’. African complaints over conditions are reported in Nyanza Province Diary for Feb. and Mar. 1925, file PC/NZA 3/26/4/2, NPMC.

⁶⁵ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1921, p. 27.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid.Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 51.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ross, , pp. 103–18Google Scholar. Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 50Google Scholar. Murder Charges Against Jasper Abraham and Three Natives, 20 June 1923, C.O. 533/296. This settler employed Nandi and Kipsigis.

⁶⁸ Champion, , UGDAR, 1919–1920.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ As Wrigley notes, ‘it did more than any other act of government to determine the future structure of agrarian society in Kenya’, ‘Patterns of Economic Life’, p. 238.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Deacon, , NDAR, 1916–1917Google Scholar; Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1921.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1921.Google Scholar

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⁷³ NPRB, vol. II, sec. X. Dobbs, , Nyanza Province Diary, 29 Sept. 1927Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 3/26/2, NPMC.

⁷⁴ Administration attempts to change this are the subject of much correspondence: see ‘Stock Thefts, Nandi District’.

⁷⁵ Huntingford, , Nandi Work and Culture, p. 74.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Drought, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 4 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁷⁷ Home, NDAR, 1920–1921, p. 13Google Scholar. Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 5.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 5.Google Scholar

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⁸¹ This was because the cattle could not be auctioned due to the quarantine, and many had died while in government hands. By 1923 423 cattle, worth Shs. 18 per head and Shs. 1,008 in cash had been collected from locations 1, 7 and 8: Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁸² Minutes of baraza of 4 Oct. in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁸³ NPRB, vol. I, sec. IV-a, Hemsted, C. S., Special Report, Dec. 1909Google Scholar. Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, pp. 25–6.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ This was illustrated when Government appointed Lelimo Arap Samwei official orkoiyot in 1911, but the Nandi recognized Arap Kinekat instead: Monckton, , NDQR, Dec. 1911Google Scholar; Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, p. 42.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ NPRB, vol. I, sec. I, p. 31.

⁸⁶ For this reason in 1919 all the orkoiik except Barserion were removed to a separate location near government headquarters. Hemsted, C. S., NDAR, 1918–1919Google Scholar; ‘Removal of the Ngetunda (Wizards) clan to Loc. 26’, 8 Nov. 1919, NPRB, vol. i, sec. I-eGoogle Scholar. See also a court case against Barserion in 1916 in ‘Political Records: Nandi District’, PC/NZA 3/44/3, box 23, NPC & R, sec. 10A, S. U. Mic. ser. 2262, reel 27.

⁸⁷ Monckton, , NDAR, 1915–1916.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 10Google Scholar. Castle-Smith, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 15 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁸⁹ Castle-Smith, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 20 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest. Although Huntingford says that Barserion took over the powers and position of the head orkoiyot upon the death of Arap Kinekat in 1919, the evidence suggests, rather, a process of expansion of Barserion's influence as a direct result of the pressures the Nandi were facing in this period. See also Deposition of Kiboit, Arap, 18 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁰ Castle-Smith, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 15 Sept. and Deposition of Koimur Arap Kebi, 20 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹¹ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 57.Google Scholar

⁹² Deposition of Koimur Arap Kebi, Castle-Smith, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 20 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹³ Depositions of Kinegat, Arap and Chepkiyen, Arap, 20 Sept., Kipto Arap Kimais, 16 Oct., Arap Kitongo, 18 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁴ In the depositions of all Nandi after the unrest, it was emphasized that the ceremony in the past was accompanied by raiding, but that since it had not been held for thirty years, and the Nandi were aware that raiding was outlawed under colonial rule, they saw it primarily as a ceremony designed to cleanse the country of sickness. Most expressed uncertainty at what would happen during the ceremony itself: Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁵ Montgomery to C.N.C., 8 Oct., Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 17 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁶ Tomkinson, C. (D.C.), ‘Policing of Nandi Farms’, 1 May 1928Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 3/44/3, box 23, NPC & R, reel 27. Bond, B. D. (D.C.) to Sup. Police/Kis., 28 Feb. 1928Google Scholar, in Stock Thefts Nandi District. It was reported that Barserion had another shamba in Molo where he kept large numbers of cattle, which probably represented in part his payment for sanctioning raids: Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 13 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁷ Bond, to Calnan, J. D. (settler at Eldoret), 10 Apr. 1927Google Scholar, in Stock Thefts, Nandi District. Depositions of Kinegat, Arap, 20 Sept., Arap Kiboit, 18 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

⁹⁸ Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 21Google Scholar. Jennings, 's use of illegal squatters drew administrative attention: Nyanza Province Diary, 23 July 1926Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 3/26/4/2, NPMC.

⁹⁹ Boulderson, G. R. C. (D.C.) to Hemsted, R. W. (S.C.), 10 June 1925Google Scholar, in Stock Thefts, Nandi District; Hemsted, R. W., Nyanza Province Diary, Mar. 1925Google Scholar, file 3/26/4/2, NPMC.

¹⁰⁰ Castle-Smith, to Kenyon-Slaney, , 20 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest. Slade-Hawkins, W. (Ast. D.C), Nandi District Diary, Jan. 1924Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 3/26/4/1, NPMC.

¹⁰¹ Deposition of Kinegat, Arap, 20 Sept., Swahili letter from Nandi elders to Castle-Smith, 25 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰² Montgomery warned the murenik against continuing to carry spears in the baraza of 4 Oct., in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct.; report of Kipto Arap Kimais on secret baraza of 14 Oct. in statement of 16 Oct.; Deposition of Arap Kiboit, 18 Oct., in Report on Nandi Unrest. The arming of the murenik was also noted with alarm by the settlers, Harvey, Conway (Rep. for Lake Dist.), Leg. Co. Debates, 29 Oct. 1923, col. 25.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Drought, to Castle-Smith, , 21 Oct. 1923Google Scholar; my thanks to A. T. Matson for a copy of this letter. Huntingford, , Nandi of Kenya, p. 43Google Scholar. Whether, as Drought and Huntingford say, the ceremony would have been the signal for the implementation of Barserion's plans to massacre the settlers is open to serious question. Both the elders and the orkoiyot denied this. See Report on Nandi Unrest, communication from Matson, A. T., Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of Nandi Orkoiyot’, p. 106Google Scholar. It is likely, however, that the ceremony would have been accompanied by intensified raiding of the farms.

¹⁰⁴ Depositions of Kebi, Koimur Arap and Kinegat, Arap, 20 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰⁵ Report of Kipto Arap Kimais on secret baraza of 14 Oct. in statement of 16 Oct., deposition of Chelilim, Arap, 17 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰⁶ Swahili letter from Nandi elders to Castle-Smith, , 25 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰⁷ Depositions of Tarno, Arap, Chelilim, Arap, 17 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰⁸ Minutes of baraza of 4 Oct. in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct., report on the secret baraza of 14 Oct. by Kipto Arap Kimais, 16 Oct., Deposition of Arap Tarno, 17 Oct., in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹⁰⁹ Swahili letter from Nandi elders to Castle-Smith, , 25 Sept. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁰ Personal communication from A. T. Matson, based on testimony of Nandi informant. There are also indications that another educated Nandi, Gregory Kendagor, played a part in the protest.

¹¹¹ See report on baraza of 4 Oct. in Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹² Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 22 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest. Harvey, Conway, Leg. Co. Debates, 29 Oct. 1923, col. 25.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 13 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁴ Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 5 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁵ These are the words of Governor Northey in the baraza of 1922, reported in Feild-Jones, , NDAR, 1922, p. 6.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ The arrests took place on 16 Oct.; the ceremony was projected for the 21st. Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 22 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁷ Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 17 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁸ Castle-Smith, to Montgomery, , 22 Oct., Montgomery to C.N.C., 7 Oct. 1923Google Scholar, in Report on Nandi Unrest.

¹¹⁹ Castle-Smith, , NDAR, 1924, p. 1Google Scholar. Report on Governor's baraza in Nandi in Feb. and D.C. report for Jan. 1924, in Nandi District Diary; Hemsted, R. W., Nyanza Province Diary, Jan. 1924Google Scholar, file PC/NZA 3/26/4/1, NPMC.

¹²⁰ One of the functions of this school was to counter the influence of the orkoiyot: see NPRB, vol. I, sec. VIII.

¹²¹ Lonsdale, , ‘Origins of Nationalism’, p. 126.Google Scholar

¹²² The political record books and provincial correspondence records provide a rich source for examining the divergent political developments in the reserve and squatter areas after 1923. See also Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of Nandi Orkoiyot’Google Scholar, and Matson, , ‘Growth of Political Consciousness’.Google Scholar

¹²³ Matson, , ‘Growth of Political Consciousness’, p. 20.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ See Magut, Arap, ‘Rise and Fall of Nandi Orkoiyot’Google Scholar, for the position of the chiefs and educated Nandi in the widespread agrarian unrest of the fifties, which also centred on orkoiyot Barserion.