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6 Cf. the ‘deep freeze’ referred to by Hart, D. M., ‘The tribe in modern Morocco: two case studies’, in Gellner, E. and Micaud, C. (eds), Arabs and Berbers (London, 1972), 25–58, p. 39.Google Scholar

7 Cf. Duclos, J.-L., ‘The Berbers and the rise of Moroccan nationalism’Google Scholar, ibid., 217–229, p. 225.

8 Information from interviews by the author in the Ouezzane (Wazzan) region, 1977.

9 Under the terms of the Treaty of Fes, 1912, which established the French Protectorate, France was supposed to direct the native state and aid it in modernisation and development. In reality, French rule became more and more direct, until in the 1950s General Juin proposed the principle of co-sovereignty of France with the Sultan. Cf. Julien, Ch.-A., Le Maroc face aux impérialismes, 1415–1956 (Paris, 1978), 12, 350.Google Scholar

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12 lit. ‘Treasury’, the central government of the Sultan in pre-colonial and colonial Morocco.

13 Cf. Laroui, A., Les origines sociales et culturelles du nationalisme marocain (1830–1912) (Paris, 1977).Google Scholar

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20 Cf. Laroui, A., La crise des intellectuels arabes; traditionnalisme ou historicisme? (Paris, 1974), 51Google Scholar, with his use of the term ‘refus’.

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25 Given in Halstead, , Rebirth of a Nation, Appendix A.Google Scholar

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28 For the Popular Front, cf. Cobban, A., A History of Modern France (London, 1961), 11, 292.Google Scholar

29 The monthly reports by the Protectorate authorities after 1934 continually emphasize this.

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33 ‘Bulletin de renseignements des questions musulmanes’, 3 January, 16 February, 1938Google Scholar, Service historique de l'Armée de terre, Vincennes (SHAT), Maroc R.P. 18.

34 ‘Rapports mensuels Fez 1934’, I trimestre, 1934, SHAT, Maroc Fez, 208.

35 Ibid., 2 trimestre, 1934. Interviews, Ouezzane region, 1977.

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46 Munson, H., ‘Islam and inequality in Northwest Morocco’ (Ph.D. thesis, Chicago, 1980), 33.Google Scholar Munson argues convincingly that in large parts of the Jbala the term qabīla, usually translated as ‘tribe’, is in fact the vestige of Makhzen administrative divisions and has little to do with common descent.

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49 A collection was made by the author in the Ouezzane region in 1977.

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56 Ibid. and Bidwell, , Morocco under Colonial Rule, 212–213.Google Scholar

57 The term is Lazarev's.

58 Brignon, , Histoire du Maroc, 373.Google Scholar The size and composition of this class are both problematic. Stewart, , Economy of Morocco, 81Google Scholar, notes that there are no contemporary statistics, but goes on to suggest (pp. 176–7), that the data available from 1959 onwards reflect the situation under the Protectorate; he ventures no estimate. Brignon's figures are those of Ayache, A., Le Maroc. Bilan d'une colonisation (Paris, 1956), 304–306Google Scholar, tentatively based on land tax returns. More reliable (?) figures from the 1970s quoted by Mesmoudi, T. El, Le crédit agricole et le développement de l'agriculture au Maroc (Rabat, 1982), 86–87Google Scholar, show landholdings of more than 10 hectares as approximately 9 per cent of the number of exploitations, ‘cultivations’, but accounting for 55 per cent of the cultivated area. Ayache's and Brignon's figure of 500,000 to 600,000 persons within this landowning class would give the number of landowners as something more than 100,000, on the basis of 5 persons to each household (El Mesmoudi, loc. cit.); compare this with El Mesmoudi's total of about 168,000 holdings within the relevant categories. For a discussion of the composition of the class, see below, n. 62, 65.

59 Cf. Charnay, , Vie musulmane, 119Google Scholar, and Brett, M., ‘The colonial period in the Maghrib and its aftermath: the present state of historical writing’, J. Afr. Hist., XVII (1976), 291–305, pp. 296–298, 304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

60 See n. 58, above.

61 Munson, , ‘Islam and inequality’, 162Google Scholar; the term is used by Waterbury, J., The Commander of the Faithful. The Moroccan Political Elite – A Study in Segmented Politics (London, 1970), 112Google Scholar, quoted by Bidwell, , Morocco under Colonial Rule, 314.Google Scholar

62 For the development of such a rural ‘bourgeoisie’ under the Protectorate, see Waterbury, , Commander of the Faithful, 110–112Google Scholar (quoting Ayache), and Bidwell, , Morocco under Colonial Rule, Ch. XVII, 307–328Google Scholar, passim. The term ‘rural notables’ continues to be commonly used for the whole class. It is nevertheless important to distinguish the majority, of modest means, from the rich minority at the upper end of the range. Ayache, , Le Maroc, 305Google Scholar, quotes an estimate based once again on land tax returns, which distinguishes 7,500 great landowners, ‘grands féodaux’, possessing 1,800,000 hectares, or almost half the area possessed by the class as a whole in 1954. Some redistribution is implied by Mesmoudi, El, Crédit agricole, 86Google Scholar, who gives a figure of roughly 10,000 holdings above 50 hectares in size, accounting for a total of 1,300,000 hectares; within this category are no more than 2,500 holdings above 100 hectares, accounting for 750,000 hectares in all.

63 Berque, J., Etudes d'histoire rurale maghrébine (Tangier and Fes, 1938), 108–110.Google Scholar

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65 Cf. Bidwell, , Morocco under Colonial Rule, 317.Google Scholar The question is complicated by the involvement of the ‘rural notables’ in the district administration, in which the principal Moroccan functionary was the caïd or governor. Ayache, , Le Maroc, 305, n. 4Google Scholar, gives a figure of 3,500 pashas, caïds and shaykhs, all of them great landowners, and further enriched by the profits of office. Waterbury, , Commander of the Faithful, 110–112Google Scholar, and Bidwell, , op. cit., 90–92Google Scholar, show the caïds and their subordinates recruited from the whole class of ‘notables’, and many as relatively poor. Caïds undoubtedly profited from their office, which by the end of the Protectorate tended to run in the family; they were habitually corrupt and frequently unpopular with their subjects: cf. Bidwell, , op. cit., 92–96.Google Scholar Their interest thus lay with the Protectorate, and therefore with the French, to whom they owed their position and their opportunity; in 1953 they almost all took sides against the Sultan: cf. Bidwell, , loc. cit.Google Scholar, and Leveau, , Fellah marocain, 19, 20.Google Scholar The question is the extent to which their attitude was common to the whole class from which they were drawn to form a rural aristocracy.

66 Stewart, , Economy of Morocco, 116–117.Google Scholar

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72 ‘Bulletins mensuels du Protectorat’, January 1936, March 1937Google Scholar, Archives du Gouvernement-général d'Algérie (AGGA) (Archives d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence), 27H, 5, 6.

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74 Nevertheless they were enforced:cf. Laskier, M.M., The Alliance Israëlite Universelle and the Jewish Communities of Morocco, 1862–1962 (Albany, N.Y., 1983), 179–183.Google Scholar

75 ‘Rapport mensuel’, 15 September 1941, AGGA, 27H 6.Google Scholar

76 Cf. Blair, , Western Window, 65–66.Google Scholar At the time, the figure given to the House of Commons by Eden was 200: The Times, 10–17 May 1941.Google Scholar

77 ‘Bulletin mensuel’, May 1941, AGGA, 27H 6.Google Scholar

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79 The final figures were supplied by A. Kahane (personal communication).

80 Cf. Blair, , Western Window, 45.Google Scholar

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83 Blair, , Western Window, 97Google Scholar; Knapp, , North West Africa, 277Google Scholar; Julien, , Le Maroc, 189Google Scholar; Nelson, H. D. (ed.), Morocco: a country study (Washington, D.C., 1978), 60Google Scholar; Bernard, S., The Franco-Moroccan Conflict, 1943–1956 (New Haven and London, 1968), 15–16Google Scholar; Alami, M. El, Mohammed V (Rabat, 1981), 69.Google Scholar

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97 Cf. Julien, , L'Afrique du Nord, 306–308.Google Scholar Jacques Berque and Julien Couleau created a series of modernised farming systems under the title Secteurs de Modernisation du Paysannat (SMP): cf. Stewart, , Economy of Morocco, 109–111Google Scholar; Bidwell, , Morocco under Colonial Rule, 228–232Google Scholar, emphasizing colon hostility and the limited effect of the initiative.

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