Article contents
Africans and Agricultural Production in Colonial Kenya: The Myth of the War as a Watershed
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
Abstract
This article examines the economic effects of the Second World War on African peasant producers in Kenya, and places the war years within the context of the colony's economic difficulties during the Depression. In the mid-1930s the Kenya government sought to encourage African production, particularly among the Kikuyu and Abaluhya, in order to bolster the fiscal base of the colonial state and to subsidize the survival of the settler farming community. Promotion of African agrarian production brought conflict with the settler farming sector, and generated a serious crisis in the political economy of Kenya. These antagonisms became sharper during the war, when, after the Japanese advance in S.E. Asia, the Allied war effort demanded greater production from Kenya's settler farmers. Assisted by high guaranteed prices, both settler and African production was able to expand during the war. Previous studies of the impact of the war in Kenya have underplayed the extent to which African producers were able to capitalise upon this economic boom. Easily able to by-pass official marketing channels, African peasants produced for the black market. By doing so during the mid-war drought and maize crisis of 1942–3, African producers were able to obtain very favourable prices. Emerging peasant households among the Kikuyu and Abaluhya were therefore economically strengthened by the circumstances of the war, as was the settler farming sector. Europeans and Africans in Kenya were set on a collision course, which was to culminate some seven years after the war in the Mau Mau rebellion.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985
References
1 Westcott, N. J., ‘Sterling and Empire: the British Imperial Economy, 1939–51’, Institute of Commonwealth Studies seminar paper, London, January 1983Google Scholar; and Prest, A. R., The War Economies of the Primary Producing Countries (London, 1948), chs. 1, 5 and 9.Google Scholar
2 Berque, J., French North Africa (London, 1967), 232–280Google Scholar; Iliffe, J., A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979), 342–380CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Munro, J. F., Africa and the International Economy, 1800–1960 (London, 1976), 150–174Google Scholar; also D. K. Fieldhouse's review article on Morgan, D. J. The Official History of Colonial Development (5 vols., London, 1980), in English Historical Review, (1982), 386–394.Google Scholar For a broader perspective, see Robinson, R. E., ‘The moral disarmament of African empire, 1919–1947’, J. Imperial and Commonwealth Hist., III, i (1979), 86–104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 For fuller development of this idea, see Lonsdale, J. M., ‘The growth and transformation of the colonial state in Kenya, 1929–52’, History Department, University of Nairobi, seminar paper no. 17 (August 1980).Google ScholarLonsdale, paper ‘The Second World War and the colonial state in Kenya’, presented to the conference on ‘Africa and the Second World War’ held at the School of Oriental and African Studies in May 1984Google Scholar, elaborates the argument, and sets our work on African production in its wider context.
4 Mosley, P., The Settler Economies: Studies in the Economic History of Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1900–1963 (Cambridge, 1983), 44–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wrigley, C. C., ‘Kenya: the patterns of economic life, 1902–1945’Google Scholar, and Bennett, G., ‘Settlers and politics in Kenya’, in Harlow, V. and Chilver, E. M. (eds.), History of East Africa, II (Oxford, 1965), at pp. 247–260, 318–328.Google Scholar For a general account of the settler position during the inter-war period, see Brett, E. A., Colonialism and Underdevelopment in East Africa: The Politics of Economic Change, 1919–1939 (London, 1973), ch. 6.Google Scholar
5 Kitching, G., Class and Economic Change in Kenya: the making of an African Petite-Bourgeoisie (New Haven, 1980), ch. 4Google Scholar; Mosley, , Settler Economies, ch. 3.Google Scholar
6 Kenya National Archives (hereafter KNA), DC/NYI 1/4, ‘South Nyeri District Annual Report, 1930’, 2–9. For an account of the dependence of Kenya Colony upon revenues raised from the African population, see Overton, J. D., ‘Spatial differentiation in the colonial economy of Kenya: Africans, settlers and the state, 1900–1920’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1983).Google Scholar
7 Lonsdale, , ‘Growth and transformation’, passim.Google Scholar For a study of the various proposals made during the 1930s for African agrarian reform, see Talbott, I. D., ‘Agricultural innovation and policy changes in Kenya in the 1930s’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of West Virginia, 1976).Google Scholar
8 KNA DC/NYI 4/1, ‘Memorandum on Native agricultural development in the Native reserves’, 7 July 1937, 8, 36, 40, 45 and 51. This Ordinance has often been misunderstood by those who lay undue emphasis upon its effects upon small traders, and overlook the benefits to the producers. See, for example, Ghai, Y. P. and McAuslan, J. P. W. B., Public Law and Political Change in Kenya (Nairobi, 1970), 93–94.Google Scholar
9 KNA DC/NYI 4/1, as cited in n. 8. In other areas the potential for agricultural expansion, and therefore additional income, was deemed to be much greater. The memorandum suggested that an extra £57,615 worth of produce could be grown in Murang'a; £59,425 worth in Kiambu; and crops to the value of £90,300 in Embu, £153,775 in South Nyanza, £110,400 in Central Nyanza, £131,820 in North Nyanza, and £212,620 in the Coastal Province.
10 Ibid. 2 and 6.
11 For a fuller discussion of this, see Anderson, D. M., ‘Depression, dust bowl, demography, and drought: the colonial state and soil conservation in East Africa during the 1930s’, African Affairs, LXXXIII, no. 332 (July 1984), 321–343.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
12 Kenya Land Commission: Evidence and Memoranda (hereafter KLC: EM), 3 vols. (Nairobi, 1934), especially II, 1803–28, for evidence of farmers in the Nakuru, Solai, and Subukia districts; and III, 3290–5, for a memorandum from a delegation of Elected Members about ‘Land, labour, and overstocking’. See also the correspondence of the Rongai Farmers Association, 1933–39, in KNA PC/RVP.6A/16/4. Articles in the Kenya press on questions connected with land use appeared very regularly following the announcement in 1931 of the first government proposals for increased African production; see, for example, ‘Greater production in Kenya: government campaign in the Native reserves’, East African Weekly, 26 November 1931.Google Scholar
13 Anderson, , ‘Depression, dust bowl’, 333–334.Google Scholar The division of opinion among European officials came over the question of how change was to be brought about, a matter that was not to be resolved until the 1940s. The work of Colin Maher was very prominent in this discussion, e.g. his Peasantry or Prosperity? (East African Problems Series, no. 3, Nairobi, 1945)Google Scholar, outlining ideas developed over the previous ten years.
14 KLC: EM, III, 3103–14, evidence of Maj. H. H. Brassey-Edwards; 3137–41, evidence of J. F. C. Troughton; 3167–75, evidence of J. F. McCall. For correspondence on overstocking, see KNA PC/RVP.6A/7/3, ‘Livestock marketing, 1935–47’; KNA PC/RVP.6A/11/38, ‘Development of Native reserves (Samburu), 1935–53’; and especially KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Vet 1/4 to 16, for the papers of the Overstocking Committee, set up just before the outbreak of war. For the Kamba, see Munro, J. F., Colonial Rule and the Kamba (Oxford, 1975), 189–246.Google Scholar For Baringo, see Anderson, D. M., ‘Herder, Settler, and Colonial Rule: a history of the peoples of the Baringo Plains, Kenya, 1890–1940’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982).Google Scholar
15 Anderson, D. M., ‘Disposal and control: livestock marketing in Kenya, 1920–48’, East African Studies seminar paper, African Studies Centre, Cambridge, February 1983.Google Scholar For the triumphant attitude of the settlers, see ‘Kenya and the export of meat: new chilling factory may pave way’, and ‘Impression of a destocking: distribution rather than destruction’, East African Standard, 21 June 1938 and 1 July 1938, respectively.Google Scholar
16 Public Record Office, Kew (hereafter PRO), CO 533/483/6, Wade to Ormsby-Gore, 17 March 1937, outlines the legislation formulated to enforce these measures. Such developments were not confined to Kenya; see Hailey, Lord, An African Survey (London, revised 1956), ch. 15.Google Scholar
17 PRO CO 533/483/7, Brooke-Popham to Ormsby-Gore, 18 October 1937.
18 Settlers were anxious lest ‘Fabians and the Labour Party’, their arch enemies since the 1930s, would exploit the fact that ‘half the White Highlands was used by natives’. For example, see KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Vet 3/331, ‘Return of squatter stock to native reserves’, for the minutes of a meeting held in Eldoret on 3 November 1944. On squatters in general, the best study remains Van Zwanenberg, R. M., Colonial Capitalism and Labour in Kenya, 1919-1939 (Nairobi, 1975), ch. 8.Google Scholar
19 The Colonial Office was unhappy about this, and attempted to delay actions under the Ordinance until land could be made available for the evicted squatters (Ghai and McAuslan, Public Law and Political Change, 95–6).
20 Mosley, , The Settler Economies, ch. 5Google Scholar, fully exposes the divisions among the settler farming community. On the destocking of Uasin Gishu, see the lengthy correspondence in KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Vet 3/31, ‘Disposal and control: squatter stock, 1939–45’.
21 Kanogo, T. M. J., ‘The history of Kikuyu movement into the Rift Valley’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Nairobi, 1980).Google Scholar
22 For example, development schemes in Baringo and Machakos, grazing control schemes for Samburu, and the development of stock routes with the aid of the Colonial Development Fund. See Anderson, , ‘Herder, settler and colonial rule’, 255–258Google Scholar; Munro, , Colonial Rule and the Kamba, 224–246Google Scholar; KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Vet 3/28, Public Works Department memorandum on ‘Stock routes completed to 1939’, 8 February 1940.
23 Spencer, I. R. G., ‘Settler dominance, agricultural production and the Second World War in Kenya’, J. Afr. Hist., XXI, iv (1980), 497–514CrossRefGoogle Scholar, gives an account of this.
24 Production figures are drawn from the Colony Agricultural Census, compiled annually throughout the 1920s, and up to 1936.
25 KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agr-2/15, ‘Agricultural policy: production in war-time: report of Mr Burton, 1939–40’; H. Wolfe to G. M. Rennie, 25 November 1939, and G. J. L. Burton to H. Wolfe, 21 November 1939.
26 KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agri-3/62, ‘Notes for the enquiry into maize control, 1943’, Sir Henry Moore's draft speech for the Legislative Council, 16 March 1943, and L. Tester speech, 22 March 1943. See also, Westcott, N. J., ‘The impact of the war on Tanganyika, 1939–49’ (Ph.D thesis, University of Cambridge, 1982), 1–186.Google Scholar
27 Westcott, ibid., 62–63; also Westcott, N. J., ‘The politics of planning and the planning of politics’, paper presented to the Development Studies Association Conference, Dublin, 1982, pp. 4–9.Google Scholar
28 KNA Secretariat 1/1/12, ‘Maize control and food shortage, 1942–44’, passim; PRO CO 533/535/38551/1 (1944–6), ‘Food shortage: appointment of a commission of enquiry’, passim; Kenya Department of Agriculture Annual Report, 1944 (Nairobi, 1944), 11. See also Spencer, , ‘Settler dominance’, 503.Google Scholar
29 KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agri-2/15, ‘Agricultural policy: production in war-time: report by Mr Burton, 1939–40’, G. J. L. Burton to H. Wolfe, 21 November 1939; Mosley, , Settler Economies, 52–54.Google Scholar
30 KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agri-2/62, ‘Notes for the enquiry into maize control, 1943’, Sir Henry Moore's draft speech for the Legislative Council, 16 March 1943. Military purchases of food from Kenya rose from £790,000 in 1941 to £1¼ million two years later. The acreage under wheat trebled between 1939 and 1943, while that under flax grew six fold over the same period. The biggest increase was in rye production, which grew from 300 acres in 1939 to 15,500 acres by 1943. All of these crops received guaranteed prices until after the war.
31 PRO CO 852/650/19879/62 (1944), ‘Marketing of colonial produce – primary produce markets: note by Sir P. E. Mitchell’, passim; and PRO CO 852/650/19879/64 (1944 and 1945), ‘Marketing of colonial produce: future of agricultural prices’.
32 Spencer, , ‘Settler dominance’, 507–508.Google Scholar
33 Ibid. and Food Shortage Commission of Enquiry Report (Nairobi, 1944), passim.
34 Cowen, M., ‘Capital and household production: the case of wattle in Kenya's Central Province, 1903–1964’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1979).Google Scholar
35 KNA DC/FH 1/23, ‘Fort Hall Annual Report, 1944’, pp. 7, 10; KNA Ag 4/188, ‘Provincial agricultural handing-over reports, 1942–51’, South Nyeri handing-over report, 3 March 1947, for details of smuggling and black marketeers' routes. See also KNA DC/FH 1/24, ‘Fort Hall Annual Report, 1945’, pp. 3, 28.
36 KNA C&I 6/782, ‘Trading by Africans, 1946–50’, T. C. Colchester, Municipal African Affairs Officer, Nairobi, to G. M. Rennie, November 1944; KNA Ag 4/220, ‘Wattle rules and marketing, 1942–46’; and KNA Ag 4/381, ‘Kiambu Monthly Agricultural Reports, 1940–49’.
37 KNA DC/NYI 1/4, ‘Nyeri Annual Report, 1944’, Appendix D. In 1941 only 19,000 bags of beans and only 2,000 lb of potatoes were officially marketed from Central Province. See also KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agri-3/62, ‘Notes for the enquiry into maize control, 1943’, Sir Henry Moore's draft speech to the Legislative Council, 16 March 1943.
38 KNA ARC(MAWR)-3 Agri-3/62, ‘Notes for the enquiry into maize control, 1943’, A. B. Killick to the Secretary of the Food Shortage Commission, 30 April 1943, and C. O. Oates to A. B. Killick, 8 March and the Department of Agriculture's ‘Summary of Nyanza Rainfall’, 7 May 19.
39 KNA DC/MKS 1/1/29, ‘Machakos Annual Report, 1943’, 1–3 and 9.
40 Ibid., 2.
41 KNA DC/MKS 1/1/29, ‘Machakos Annual Report, 1944’, 2–3, 6–9.
42 KNA DC/NN 1/25, ‘North Nyanza Annual Report, 1943’, 4; KNA DC/NN 1/26, ‘North Nyanza Annual Report, 1944’, 3–4.
43 KNA DC/NN 1/27, ‘North Nyanza Annual Report, 1945’, 8.
44 KNA DC/NYI 2/1, ‘South Nyeri handing and taking over reports, 1934–51’, P. Wyn Harris to D. L. Morgan, 18 December 1944.Google Scholar
45 KNA Lab 9/316, ‘Resident labour: Naivasha County Council, 1941–59’; KNA Lab 9/320, ‘The resident labour ordinance: Aberdares District Council, 1944–51’; KNA Lab 9/598, ‘Resident labour: Trans Nzoia, 1943–56’, contains many petitions from cereal and plantation farmers against District Council orders. KNA Lab 9/326, ‘Resident labour: Trans Nzoia, 1945–57’, giving minutes of the District Council meetings on 27 February and 23 October 1946, and details of opposition to the proposed post-war orders.
46 Ibid. Also, KNA Lab 9/97, ‘Association of District Councils, 1941–53’, for a report of the District Councils’ conferences of 26–27 June and 12–13 September 1944; KNA Lab 9/317, ‘Resident labour: Nakuru, 1945–53’; and KNA Lab 9/1071, ‘Resident labourers ordinance: the problem of the squatter: Ad hoc committee, 1946–48’, especially E. M. Hyde-Clarke to G. M. Rennie, 17 September 1946.
47 KNA Ag 4/512, ‘Fort Hall Monthly Agricultural Reports, 1940–49’, especially the reports for January to March 1945 and October to December 1945; PRO CO 852/662/19936/2 (1945–46), ‘Soil erosion, Kenya’, Humphrey, N., ‘The relationship of population to the land in South Nyeri’, paragraphs 56–59Google Scholar; PRO CO 852/557/16707/2 (1946), ‘Land tenure policy, Kenya’, H. E. Lambert's memorandum on ‘Policy in regard to the administration of the native lands – note for discussion’, 10 July 1946.
48 KNA DC/NN 1/26, ‘North Nyanza Annual Report, 1944’, 3. See also KNA DC/NN 1/27, ‘North Nyanza Annual Report, 1945’, 25.
49 PRO CO 852/662/19936/2 (1945–46), ‘Soil erosion: Kenya’, Humphrey, N., ‘The relationship of population to the land in South Nyeri’, paragraphs 22 and 28Google Scholar; KNA Ag 4/488, ‘Monthly Agricultural Reports, Central Province, 1940–47’, January to March 1945 and 1946; KNA Ag 4/512, ‘Fort Hall Monthly Agricultural Reports, 1940–1949’, January to March 1945 report; KNA DC/NYI 2/1/20, ‘Mr Humphrey's Report on South Nyeri, 1947’, which contains a preliminary version, sent to the Director of Agriculture on 22 September 1944; and PRO CO 533/534/38232 (1945), ‘European settlement scheme’, Mitchell to George Hall, 11 September 1945.
50 Throup, D. W., ‘The origins of Mau Mau’, African Affairs (forthcoming 1985).Google Scholar
51 Rhodes House, Mss. Afr. r. 101, Sir Philip Mitchell's Diary, entry for 1 November 1944; Mitchell, P. E., African Afterthoughts (London, 1954), 211Google Scholar; For Mitchell's optimistic hopes see PRO CO 533/537/38628, Mitchell, to Stanley, , 9 March 1945, ‘Grouping of agricultural departments’.Google Scholar
52 Throup, D. W., ‘The Governorship of Sir Philip Mitchell in Kenya, 1944–52’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1983), chs. 1, 10.Google Scholar
53 Anderson, , ‘Herder, settler, and colonial rule’, 261–267.Google Scholar
- 27
- Cited by