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² See, for example, Crossman, Richard (ed.), The God That Failed (London, 1949).Google Scholar

³ Nikolai Berdiaev, “Philosophical Verity and Intelligentsia Truth”; Sergei Bulgakov, “Heroism and Asceticism (Reflections on the Religious Nature of the Russian Intelligentsia)”, and Frank, Semën, “The Ethic of Nihilism (A Characterization of the Russian Intelligentia's Moral Outlook)”, in Signposts: A Collection of Articles on the Russian Intelligentsia, translated and edited by Shatz, Marshall S. and Zimmerman, Judith E. (Irvine, CA, 1986), pp. 1–49, 131–155Google Scholar. Although the contributors to Signposts directed their criticisms at the intelligentsia, it is clear that they believed the intelligentsia gave rise to the revolutionary movement and was the ultimate source of its basic attitudes and outlook.

⁴ Korff, Gottfried, “Bemerkungen zum Politischen Heiligenkult im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert”, in Stephenson, Gunther (ed.), Der Religionswandel unserer Zeit im Spiegel der Religionswissenschaft (Darmstadt, 1976), pp. 216–230.Google Scholar

⁵ For example, Hecht, David, Russian Radicals Look to America 1825–1894 (Cambridge, MA, 1947)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Billington, James H., Fire in the Mind of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New York, 1980).Google Scholar

⁶ Billington, James H., Mikhailovsky and Russian Populism (New York and Oxford, 1958), p. 131Google Scholar, and Sochineniia N. K. Mikhailovskogo (St. Petersburg, 1896–1897), vol. 1, col. 641.Google Scholar

⁷ Quoted in “Pokushenie Karakozova”, Krasnyi arkhiv, 17 (1926), p. 93.Google Scholar

⁸ Zasulich, V. I., Vospominaniia, edited with notes by Koz'min, B. P. (Moscow, 1931), pp. 15–16.Google Scholar

⁹ Figner, Vera, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii (Moscow, 1929), vol. 5, pp. 98–99.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Quoted in Pribyleva-Korba, A. P. and Figner, V. N., Narodovolets Aleksandr Dmitrievich Mikhailov (Leningrad, 1925), p. 112Google Scholar. Despite what they saw as the decadence and corruption of the Russian Orthodox Church, members of the Chaikovskii Circle referred to the section where defendants sat in the political trials of the 1870's as “Golgotha”, the hill near Jerusalem where Jesus was crucified. Sinegub, Sergei, Zapiski Chaikovtsa (Moscow–Leningrad, 1929), p. 196.Google Scholar

¹¹ Quoted in Delo pervogo marta 1881 (St. Petersburg, 1906), pp. 6–7Google Scholar. The celebrated letter that the Executive Committee of Narodnaia volia sent to Alexander III immediately after the assassination of his father contained an appendix in which the authors asserted that “[t]he gallows are as powerless to save the old order [in Russia] as was the death of the Savior on the cross to save the corrupt, ancient world from the triumph of reforming Christianity”. (Reprinted in Figner, Vera, Memoirs of a Revolutionist (New York, 1968), p. 312.)Google Scholar Like the Narodovol'tsy, Egor Sazanov, the SR assassin of Plehve, claimed he was “continuing the cause of Christ” when he carried out political assassinations. Quoted in Valentinov, Nikolai, The Early Years of Lenin (Ann Arbor, MI, 1969), p. 105.Google Scholar

¹² M. V. Butashevich-Petrashevskii quoted in Pazhitov, K., Razvitie sotsialisticheskikh idei v Rossii ot Pestel'ia do gruppy ‘Osvobozhdenie Truda’ (Petrograd, 1924), vol. 1, p. 57.Google Scholar

¹³ Quoted in Vilenskaia, E. S., Revoliutsionnoe podpol'e v Rossii (60-e gody XIX v.) (Moscow, 1965), p. 333.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Quoted in Kuznetsov, Feliks, Publitsisty, 1860-kh godov (Moscow, 1969), p. 281.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Gertsen, A. I., Sobranie sochinenii v tridtsati tomakh (Moscow, 1954–1965), vol. 2, p. 304.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Letter, Belinskii to Botkin (11 December 1840), Belinskii, V. G., Izbrannye pis'ma (Moscow, 1955), pp. 120–121Google Scholar; Letter, Belinskii to Botkin (8 Sptember 1841), Belinskii, , Izbrannye pis'ma, p. 173.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Bakunin, Michael, God and the State (New York, 1970), p. 75.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Belinskii, V. G., “Vzgliad na Russkuiu literaturu 1847 goda” (1848)Google Scholar, reprinted in Belinskii, V. G., Polnoe sobranie sochinenii (Moscow, 1956), vol. 10, p. 301.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Gertsen, A. I., “Ty pobedil', Galileianin'!” (1857)Google Scholar, reprinted in Vetrinskii, Ch. [Cheshikhin, V. E.], Gertsen (St. Peterburg, 1908), pp. 330–333Google Scholar. Interestingly enough, similar views of Jesus can be found in the works of early German and Russian Zionists. For example, Moses Hess remarked that Jesus upheld the idea of universal brotherhood, while Chaim Zhitlovskii considered Jesus a social idealist in the Prophetic tradition. (Hess, Moses, Rome and Jerusalem: A Study in Jewish Nationalism, translated by Waxman, Meyer (New York, 1945), p. 174Google Scholar; Frankel, Jonathan, Prophecy and Politics: Socialism, Nationalism, and the Russian Jews, 1862–1917 (Cambridge, England, 1984), p. 266.)Google Scholar Nachman Syrkin even claimed that Jesus personified “a revolutionary and communist Judaism in Palestine”, and that, for Hess, Jesus was nothing less than “a Jewish social revolutionary” (Frankel, , Prophecy and Politics, p. 306)Google Scholar. This is just one instance demonstrating how readily persons far removed from institutional Christianity could find historical precedent for their particular vision, be it secular or religious, in the life and teachings of Jesus; many other instances can be found in Pelikan's, Jaroslav excellent study, Jesus Through The Centuries (New Haven, CT, 1985).Google Scholar

²⁰ Raeff, Marc, Understanding Imperial Russia: State and Society in the Old Regime (New York, 1984), pp. 221–222.Google Scholar

²¹ For a general description of the New Soviet Man, see Trotsky, Leon, Literature and Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI, 1960)Google Scholar. Possibly another reason Russian Marxists did not consider Jesus a source of ethical values was that, as Marxists, they believed ethical values were inherent in the dialectical laws of historical development.

²² Marx, Karl, “Der Kommunismus von der ‘Rheinischer Beobachter’”, Deutsche–Brüsseler-Zeitung, 73 (2 09 1847)Google Scholar, translated and reprinted in Padover, Saul K. (ed.), On Religion: The Karl Marx Library (New York, 1974), p. 94.Google Scholar

²³ Marx, Karl, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (New York, 1968), (originally published in 1852), pp. 129–130Google Scholar, “Zur Judenfrage”, Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher (1844)Google Scholar, translated and reprinted in Padover, , On Religion, p. 170.Google Scholar

²⁴ Plekhanov, G. V., Sochineniia (Moscow, 1923–1927), vol. 17, p. 265.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Lunacharskii, A. V., Vozrozhdenie pravoslavnoi tserkvi”, Vpered, 16 (30 04 1905)Google Scholar, reprinted in Lunacharskii, A. V., Pochemu nel'zia verit' v boga? (Moscow, 1965), p. 191.Google Scholar

²⁷ Lenin, V. I., “Sotsializm i religiia”, Novaia zhizn', 28 (3 12 1905)Google Scholar, reprinted in Lenin, V. I., Sochineniia, 4th edition (Moscow–Leningrad, 1941–1950), vol. 10, p. 66.Google Scholar

²⁸ Letter, Lenin to Gor'kii (November 1913), Lenin, V. I., Sochineniia, 4th edition, (Moscow–Leningrad, 1941–1950), vol. 35, p. 90.Google Scholar

²⁹ Quoted in Fülöp-Miller, René, The Mind and Face of Bolshevism (New York, 1962), p. 298.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., pp. 186–187; Powell, David, Antireligious Propaganda in the Soviet Union: A Study of Mass Persuasion (Cambridge, MA, 1975), pp. 23–37.Google Scholar

³¹ Stites, Richard, “Iconoclastic Currents in the Russian Revolution”, in Gleason, Abbott, Kenez, Peter, and Stites, Richard (eds), Bolshevik Culture: Experiment and Order in the Russian Revolution (Bloomington, 1985), p. 8Google Scholar. The Protekul't was an obvious expression of this trend.

³² Fülöp-Miller, , Mind and Face, pp. 193–194.Google Scholar

³³ Manuel, Frank E. and Manuel, Fritzie P., Utopian Thought in the Western World (Cambridge, MA, 1979), p. 583Google Scholar, and Billington, , Fire in the Minds of Men, p. 76.Google Scholar

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³⁷ Quoted in de Lubac, Henri, The Un-Marxian Socialist: A Study of Proudhon, translated by Scatlebury, R. E. (London, 1948), p. 65.Google Scholar

³⁸ They were also well aware of Marx's contempt for Proudhon, which he expressed in his pamphlet, Misère de la Philosophie: Response à la Philosophie de M. Proudhon (Paris and Brussels, 1847).Google Scholar

³⁹ Netti, Peter, Rosa Luxemburg (Oxford, 1969), p. 221.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Kautsky, Karl, Der Ursprung des Christentums: eine historische Untersuchung (Stuttgart, 1908).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Engels, Friedrich, “Zur Geschichte des Urchristentums”, Die Neue Zeit, vol. 13 (1894–1895)Google Scholar, translated and reprinted in Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy, edited by Feuer, Lewis S. (Garden City, New York, 1959), p. 168.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid., p. 180.

⁴³ And also such communists as Fidel Castro, who once declared that Marx “could have subscribed to the Sermon on the Mount” and that the struggle of the Cuban communists against Batista was comparable to that of the early Christians against the Roman Empire. Fidel and Religion: Castro Talks on Revolution and Religion with Frei Betto (New York, 1987), pp. 271, 273.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Bogdanov, A., Nauka i rabochii klass (Moscow, 1918), p. 15.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Even as strenuous a critic of Bolshevism as Berdiaev maintained that the Gospel rejected private property and that John Chrysostom was “a complete communist”. Berdayev, Nicolas, The Origin of Russian Communism (Ann Arbor, MI, 1960), p. 160.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ There is no full-length biography of Lunacharskii in English. However, his early years are treated in Tait, A. L., Lunacharsky: Poet of the Revolution (1875–1907) (Manchester, 1984)Google Scholar, and his activities as Commissar are discussed in detail in Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Commissariat of Enlightenment: Soviet Organization of Education and the Arts under Lunacharsky, October 1917–21 (Cambridge, England, 1970).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Lunacharskii, A. V., Religiia i sotsializm (St. Petersburg, 1911), vol. 2, p. 8.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid., p. 11.

⁴⁹ Ibid., p. 62, 101.

⁵⁰ Ibid., p. 159.

⁵¹ Ibid., p. 139.

⁵² Lunacharskii, A. V., Vvedenie v istoriiu religii (Moscow, 1923)Google Scholar, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii ob ateizme i religii (Moscow, 1972), p. 174.Google Scholar

⁵³ Lunacharskii, A. V., Komu prinadlezhit tserkovnoe imushchestvo? (Moscow, 1922)Google Scholar, reprinted in Lunacharskii, , Pochemu nel'zia verit'?, p. 201.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Lunacharskii, A. V., “Idealizm i materializm”, (1923)Google Scholar reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 28.

⁵⁵ Lunacharskii, A. V., Khristianstvo ili kommunizm (Leningrad, 1926)Google Scholar, reprinted in Lunacharskii, , Pochemu nel'zia verit'?, p. 67.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Lunacharskii, Vvedenie v istoriiu religii, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 184.

⁵⁷ Lunacharskii, , Religiia i sotsializm, vol. 2, p. 71.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., pp. 58–60.

⁵⁹ Ibid., pp. 53–101.

⁶⁰ Lunacharskii, Khristianstvo ili kommunizm, reprinted in Lunacharskii, , Pochemu nel'zia verit'?, p. 75.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See, for example, Lunacharskii, A. V., “Lichnost' Khrista v sovremennoi nauke i literature (Ob ‘Iisuse’ Anri Barbiusa)”, (3 10 1927)Google Scholar, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 252.

⁶² Lunacharskii, “Idealizm i materializm”, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 35.

⁶³ Lunacharskii, , Religiia i sotzializm, vol. 2, p. 163.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Ibid., p. 22.

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 16.

⁶⁶ Ibid., pp. 139–140.

⁶⁷ Lunacharskii, “Idealizm i materializm”, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 34.

⁶⁸ Lunacharskii, A. V., “T'ma” (1909)Google Scholar, reprinted in Literaturnyi raspad (St. Petersburg, 1909), vol. 1, p. 155.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Lunacharskii, A. V., “Materialy k dokladu ‘Lichnost' Khrista’” (1927)Google Scholar, reprinted in Lunacharskii, , Pochemu nel'zia verit'?, p. 20.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ A. V. Lunacharskii, “Lichnost Khrista”, reprinted in A. V. Lunacharskii, p. 233.

⁷¹ Ibid., pp. 229–253.

⁷² For example, V. V. Bervi-Flerovskii, who composed a manifesto for one of the populist groups that “went to the people”, in 1874, filled the manifesto with quotations from the Gospel because he believed political agitation among the peasants could be successful only if it were presented as part of an effort to create a new “religion of equality” similar to Gospel Christianity. According to Bervi-Flerovskii, the early Christians had such an abundance of enthusiasm, courage, and moral vision that any contemporary radical group choosing to emulate them would be guaranteed the same success they enjoyed. And should the revolutionary movement in Russia sincerely profess the ethos of equality Bervi-Flerovskii claimed was implicit in Gospel Christianity, the two movements, in their totality, would be analogous. Flerovskii, N., Tri politicheskie sistemy (London, 1897), pp. 297–298.Google Scholar

⁷³ Bednyi, Dem'ian, “Vozhdiu”, Pravda, 87 (4 05 1918), p. 3.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Williams, Robert C., Artists in Revolution: Portraits of the Russian Avant-Garde, 1905–1925 (Bloomington, 1977), p. 138.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Sergei Esenin, “Tovarishch”, reprinted in Skify (Petrograd, 1917), vol. 2, pp. 264–268Google Scholar. Like Maiakovskii, Esenin would eventually commit suicide in despair over what he viewed as the moral degeneration of Bolshevism.

⁷⁶ Quoted in Lunacharskii, Khristianstvo ili kommunizm, reprinted in Lunacharskii, , Pochemu nel'zia verit'?, p. 27Google Scholar; quoted in Shishkin, A. A., Sushchnost' i kriticheskaia otsenka ‘obnovlencheskogo’ raskola v russkoi pravoslavnoi tserkvi (Kazan, 1970), p. 121.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Andrei Belyi, “Khristos voskrese”, reprinted in Belyi, Andrei, Stikhotvoreniia (Berlin, 1923), pp. 347–371Google Scholar, and Smith, G. S., “Bely's Poetry and Verse Theory”, in Marshall, John E. (ed.), Andrey Bely: Spirit of Symbolism (Ithaca, NY, 1987), pp. 270–273.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Andrei Belyi, “Rodine”, reprinted in Skify, Sbornik 2-i (Petrograd, 1918), vol. 2, p. 36.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Blok, Aleksandr, Dvenadtsat' (Petrograd, 1918), p. 62.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Muchnic, Helen, From Gorky to Pasternak: Six Writers in Soviet Russia (New York, 1961), p. 169.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Gor'kii, Maksim, Mat' (Moscow, 1977), p. 146.Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid., p. 123.

⁸³ Williams, , Artists in Revolution, pp. 20–23.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Lunacharskii, , Religiia i sotsializm, vol. 2, p. 385.Google Scholar The Jesus analogy is even used, albeit rarely, in Soviet politics today. At a meeting of the Moscow Communist Party in October 1987, at which Boris El'tsin was sharply criticized for what his rivals considered his overly strident advocacy of glasnost', he was rebuked by V. A. Zharov, the deputy chairman of the Moscow City Council. Zharow complained, inter alia, that “we will see people who will try to make Boris Nikolaevich [El'tsin] into a Jesus Christ who suffered for his fervently revolutionary devotion to social revitalization and democracy”, Pravda (13 January 1987), p. 2. In this instance Zharov seems to be speaking ironically and sarcastically, though it is interesting that he believes there are “people” in the Soviet Union who will use an analogy with Jesus to express their support of El'tsin and glasnost'.

⁸⁵ It is true that in the 1870's Nikolai Chaikovskii spoke of creating “God-men” who would combine the finest attributes of Jesus and humanity. But the attribute of Jesus that Chaikovskii prized most highly was his moral purity, not his divinity or capacity for resurrection. Frolenko, M., “Chaikovskii. Ego bogochelovechestvo”, Katorga i ssylka, 26 (1926), pp. 217–223.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Tumarkin, Nina, “Religion, Bolshevism, and the Origins of the Lenin Cult”, Russian Review, 40 (01 1981), no. 1, p. 44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Utechin, S. V., “Bolsheviks and their Allies After 1917: The Ideological Pattern”, Soviet Studies, 10 (10 1958), no. 2, pp. 129–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Immediately after Lenin's death, Krasin oversaw the embalming of Lenin's body and the construction of a temporary mausoleum. A few months later, Lunacharskii assumed leadership of the commission in charge of designing a permanent mausoleum. The roles of both men in these events reflected Fedorov's influence, particularly in the case of Krasin.

⁸⁷ Although Fedorov usually expressed his thoughts on unsigned scraps of paper, their authorship was eventually discovered. Many of his writings have been collected in Fedorov, N. F., Filosofiia obshchego dela, edited by Kozhevnikov, V. A. and Peterson, N. P.. Volume I was published in Alma Ata in 1906, and Volume II in Moscow in 1913.Google ScholarFedorov, N. F., Sochineniia, edited by Semonova, S. (Moscow, 1982),Google Scholar contains selections from these volumes as well as previously unpublished material from the Fedorov Archive. See also Wiles, Peter, “On Physical Immortality”, Survey, 56 (07 1965), p. 133.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Quoted in Mechnikoff, Élie, The Nature of Man: Studies in Optimistic Philosophy (New York, 1910), p. 265.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Wiles, , “On Physical Immortality”, p. 143–144Google Scholar; Starr, S. Frederick, Melnikov: Solo Architect in a Mass Society (Princeton, NJ, 1978), p. 253.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Rozhkov, N. A., Osnovy nauchnoi filosofii (St. Petersburg, 1911)Google Scholar; Mechnikov quoted in Wiles, , “On Physical Immortality”, p. 147.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Wiles, , “On Physical Immortality”, p. 147.Google Scholar Voronov also lived in France, though his books, like Mechnikov's, were published in Russia.

⁹² Utechin, , “Bolsheviks and their Allies”, pp. 130–131.Google Scholar

⁹³ Starr, , Melnikov, p. 245Google Scholar; for information on Bakhmetov, see “Vselenskoe delo v proshlom”, Vselenskoe delo, sbornik (Riga, 1934), vol. 2, pp. 107–111.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Vladimir Solov'ev, Chteniia o bogochelovechestvo, reprinted in Sobranie sochinenii V.S. Solov'eva (St. Petersburg, 1911), pp. 3–181Google Scholar, and Rosenthal, Bernice G., Dmitrii Sergeevich Merezhkovsky and the Silver Age: The Development of a Revolutionary Mentality (The Hague, 1975), p. 91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁵ See, for example, Kline, George, Religious and Anti-Religious Thought in Russia (Chicago, 1968)Google Scholar, and Williams, Robert C., The Other Bolsheviks: Lenin and His Critics, 1904–1914 (Bloomington, 1986).Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Lunacharskii, A. V., Nauka, iskusstvo, religiia (Moscow, 1923), p. 14.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ostromirov, A., N. F. Fedorov i sovremennost' (Harbin, 1928), vol. 2, p. 14Google Scholar; Lakobson, Roman and Sviatopolk-Mirskii, D., Smert' Maiakovskogo (The Hague, 1975), pp. 25–28Google Scholar, and Tumarkin, , “Origins of the Lenin Cult”, p. 43.Google Scholar See also Bogdanov's novel, Krasnaia zvezda, which describes how, on Mars, human life expectancy is increased through blood transfusions. Reprinted in English in Bogdanov, Alexander, Red Star: The First Bolshevik Utopia, edited by Graham, Loren and Stiles, Richard (Bloomington, 1984).Google Scholar

⁹⁸ “Vselenskoe delo v proshlom”, pp. 113–115.

⁹⁹ Ibid., p. 184.

¹⁰⁰ Wiles, , “On Physical Immortality”, p. 156.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Valerian Murav'ev, “Vseobshchaia proizvoditel'naia matematika”, reprinted in Vselenskoe delo, sbornik, vol. 2, pp. 131–132.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Quoted in Ol'minskii, M., “Kriticheskie stat'i i zametki”, Proletarskaia revoliutsiia, 1 (1931), pp. 149–150.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Sosnovksii, L., “K pokusheniiu na tov. Lenina”, Petrogradskaia pravda (1 09 1918), p. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ G. Zinov'ev, “Lenin (Vladimir Il'ich Ul'ianov)”, reprinted in Zinov'ev, G., Sochineniia (Leningrad, 1924), vol. 15, pp. 21, 33.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Ibid., p. 41.

¹⁰⁶ Brikhnichev, Iona, “V. I. Leninu”, Proletarskii sbornik (Moscow, 1918), p. 18Google Scholar, reprinted in , M. E. O., “Vozhd' mirovoi revoliutsii. Vladimir Il'ich Ul'ianov Lenin”, Zheleznyi put', 8 (03, 1919), p. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Tumarkin, Nina, Lenin Lives! The Lenin Cult in Soviet Russia (Cambridge, MA, 1983), especially pp. 134–206.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Zinov'ev, G., “Shest' dnei, kotorykh ne zabudet Rossiia”, Pravda (30 01 1924), p. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ibid.

¹¹⁰ Steklov, Iu., “Mogila Lenina”, Izvestiia (27 01 1924), p. 1.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Sosnovskii, L., “Il'ich-Lenin”, Pravda (27 01 1924), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹¹² Stuchka, P., “Nash Il'ich”, Pravda (27 01 1924), p. 1.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Quoted in Kotyrev, A. N., Mavzolei V. I Lenina (Moscow, 1971), p. 38.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Tumarkin, , Lenin Lives!, p. 139.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Starr, , Melnikov, p. 247Google Scholar; Krasin, L., “Arkhitekturnoe uvekovechenie Lenina”, Izvestiia (7 02 1924), p. 2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Krasin, , “Arkhitekturnoe uvekovechenie Lenina”, p. 2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ The Bolsheviks, of course, were well aware of how Christian notions of piety and repentance had shaped peasants' feelings towards the Tsars. An analysis of the origins of these feelings can be found in Cherniavsky, Michael, Tsar and People: Studies in Russian Myths (New York, 1971), especially pp. 44–71, 190–227.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See note 84.

¹¹⁹ A recent study uncovered no Jesus imagery in the Stalin cult in the years 1929–1939. Heizer, James Lee, “The Cult of Stalin, 1929–1939”, (Ph.D., University of Kentucky, 1977).Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Berdyaev, , Origins, p. 99.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Bulgakov, , “Heroism and Asceticism”, p. 43.Google Scholar

¹²² Examples of such vernacular are easy to find in the words and writings of Soviet leaders after the emergence of a new, less cultured breed of Bolshevik in the early 1930's, a phenomenon that Sheila Fitzpatrick, among others, has explored. (Fitzpatrick, Sheila, “Stalin and the Making of a New Elite, 1928–1939”, Slavic Review, 38, no. 3 (09 1979), pp. 377–402)Google Scholar. Stalin astonished foreign observers by casually referring to God, and Khrushchev on at least one occasion called himself an “apostle” of the communist cause (Ulam, Adam B., Stalin: The Man and His Era (New York, 1973), p. 626Google Scholar, Khrushchev Remembers, translated and edited by Talbott, Strobe (Boston, 1970), p. 62)Google Scholar. However, Khrushchev's and Stalin's Christian vocabulary – unlike the Christian idiom of earlier revolutionaries – consisted merely of turns of phrase which reflected their peasant upbringing (and, in Stalin's case, several years in an Orthodox seminary) rather than any specific debt to Gospel Christianity.

¹²³ See, for example, Billington, James H., The Icon and the Axe: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture (New York, 1966), pp. 464–472, 504–518Google Scholar, and Proffer, Carl and Proffer, Ellendea (eds), The Silver Age of Russian Culture (Ann Arbor, MI, 1971).Google Scholar