Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rdxmf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T02:38:12.191Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Syria's intervention in the Lebanese civil war, 1976: a domestic conflict explanation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

Fred H. Lawson
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor of Government at Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts.
Get access

Abstract

Syria's intervention in the Lebanese civil war in the late spring of 1976 has usually been explained in either structural or perceptual terms. Neither kind of account does a very good job of explaining the character and timing of this military operation. But relating the intervention to changes in Syria's domestic political situation accounts for it much more satisfactorily. Specifically, Syria's ruling social coalition found itself confronted with a substantial threat to its political position in the country from small farmers, craftspeople, and workers in the north-central provinces during the first months of 1976. In response to this threat, each member of the ruling coalition adopted a program that would insure its own dominance, but only at the expense of its domestic political allies. Under these circumstances, these social forces moved into Lebanon in an attempt to secure the capital, manufactured goods, and port facilities that would enable them to suppress their domestic political opponents while maintaining their own alliance. Domestic political struggles thus provide a more plausible explanation for Syria's intervention than either of the other two arguments can.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The IO Foundation 1984

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Dawisha, A. I., “Syria's Intervention in Lebanon, 1975–1976,” Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 3 (WinterSpring 1978), pp. 245–63Google Scholar; Deeb, Marius, The Lebanese Civil War (New York: Praeger, 1980), p. 134Google Scholar; Rabinovich, Itamar, “The Limits of Military Power: Syria's Role,” in Haley, P. E. and Snider, L. W., eds., Lebanon in Crisis (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1979Google Scholar); Tschirgi, R. D. with George Irani, The United States, Syria, and the Lebanese Crisis, UCLA Center for International and Strategic Affairs Research Note 8 (Los Angeles, 01 1982)Google Scholar

2. Hurewitz, J. C., “Changing Military Perspectives in the Middle East,” in Hammond, P. Y. and Alexander, S. S., eds., Political Dynamics in the Middle East (New York: Elsevier, 1972Google Scholar); Jabber, Paul, Not by War Alone (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 1225Google Scholar.

3. Quandt, William B., Decade of Decisions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), chap. 7Google Scholar.

4. Ibid., chaps. 7 and 8.

5. Waltz, Kenneth N., “The Stability of a Bipolar World,” Daedalus no. 93 (Summer 1964Google Scholar); Blainey, Geoffrey, The Causes of War (New York: Free Press, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. Elster, Jon, Ulysses and the Sirens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979)Google Scholar.

7. Deeb, , Lebanese Civil War, p. 133Google Scholar; Rabinovich, , “Limits of Military Power,” p. 58Google Scholar.

8. Kerr, Malcolm H., “Lebanon: The Risks for Syria,” Los Angeles Times, 13 06 1976Google Scholar.

9. Tschirgi, , The United States, p. 8Google Scholar.

10. Kerr, “Lebanon: The Risks for Syria.”

11. Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 147–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12. Dawisha, , “Syria's Intervention,” pp. 246–47Google Scholar.

13. Deeb, , Lebanese Civil War, p. 130Google Scholar.

14. Ibid.

15. Dawisha, , “Syria's Intervention,” p. 250Google Scholar.

16. Ibid., p. 135.

17. Ibid., pp. 123 and 129–30; Rabinovich, “Limits of Military Power,” pp. 61–62.

18. Dawisha, , “Syria's Intervention,” pp. 257 and 259–60Google Scholar.

19. What Hanna Batatu has called “Syria's ruling military group” can be conceptualized in a wide variety of overlapping ways. This clique is largely composed of ‘Alawi officers who have close ties to the region around Tartus. Thus, a significant degree of sectarian antagonism is evident in relations between this elite and the country's Sunni Muslim community. Again, Syria's present leadership comes from relatively insular rural areas that have few connections with the country's major cities. Thus, sectarian differences are reinforced by geographical divisions between what Alasdair Drysdale has called “peripheral” regions and those that constitute the “core” of Syrian society. Moreover, those who hold the most influential positions in the regime are related to one another by blood or marriage. All of these factors exacerbate tensions between the regime and its most powerful opponents. But since these attributes are constant features of the country's political terrain, it is hard to explain particular changes in regime policy in such terms alone. See Batatu, , “Some Observations on the Social Roots of Syria's Ruling, Military Group and the Causes for Its Dominance,” Middle East Journal 35 (Summer 1981Google Scholar); Drysdale, , “Center and Periphery in Syria: A Political Geographical Study” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1977Google Scholar); Picard, Elizabeth, “Clans militaires et pouvoir ba'thiste en Syrie,” Orient 20 (09 1979Google Scholar). For significant correctives to this literature, see Dam, Nikolaos van, “Middle Eastern Political Cliches: ‘Takriti’ and ‘Sunni Rule’ in Iraq; ‘Alawi Rule“ in Syria—A Critical Appraisal,” Orient 21 (01 1980Google Scholar), and Sluglett, Peter and Farouk-Sluglett, Marion, “Some Reflections on the Sunni-Shi'i Question in Iraq,” British Society for Middle East Studies Bulletin 3 (1978)Google Scholar.

20. A good indication of Beirut's growing importance as a center of Syrian commerce during the mid 1970s can be found in Middle East Economic Digest (MEED), 11 July 1975, p. 26; Kanovsky, E., Economic Development of Syria (Tel Aviv: University Publishing Projects, 1977), p. 144Google Scholar.

21. Petran, Tabitha, Syria (New York: Praeger, 1972), p. 212Google Scholar.

22. Drysdale, , “Center and Periphery,” p. 171Google Scholar.

23. Arab Report and Record (ARR), 16–31 January 1976 and 15–29 February 1976.

24. Keilany, Ziad, “Land Reform in Syria,” Middle Eastern Studies 16 (10 1980), p. 212CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25. Petran, , Syria, p. 207Google Scholar; Vatikiotis, P. J., “The Politics of the Fertile Crescent,” in Hammond and Alexander, Political Dynamics, p. 226Google Scholar.

26. Republic, Syrian Arab, Statistical Abstract 1965 (Damascus: Government Press, 1966), p. 240Google Scholar; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Cotton in Syria, FAS-M-280 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1978), p. 22Google Scholar.

27. Republic, Syrian Arab, Statistical Abstract 1965, p. 114Google Scholar.

28. See Lawson, Fred H., “Social Bases for the Hamah Revolt,” MERIP Reports 110 (1112 1982Google Scholar), and Rural Revolts and Provincial Society in Egypt, 1820–1824,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 13 (05 1981)Google Scholar.

29. Dusen, Michael H. Van, “Political Integration and Regionalism in Syria,” Middle East Journal 26 (Spring 1972), p. 126Google Scholar note 6; Bar-Siman-Tov, Yaacov, Linkage Politics in the Middle East: Syria between Domestic and External Conflict, 1961–1970 (Boulder: Westview, 1983), pp. 129Google Scholar and 158; Petran, , Syria, pp. 208–9Google Scholar.

30. Dusen, Van, “Political Integration,” p. 131Google Scholar; Kelidar, A. R., “Religion and State in Syria,” Asian Affairs 61 (1974), pp. 1619CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ARR, 15–28 February 1973; Dawisha, Adeed, Syria and the Lebanese Crisis (New York: St. Martin's, 1980), pp. 5960CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31. ARR, 1–14 February 1976; New York Times, 11 March 1976, p. A10; ARR, 15–29 February 1976.

32. Abd-Allah, Umar F., The Islamic Struggle in Syria (Berkeley, Calif.: Mizan, 1983), p. 109Google Scholar. Whether or not one accepts a precise date for the start of the Ikhwan's announced jihad against Syria's rulers, it is vital to recognize that this opposition takes shape prior to the drive into Lebanon. Thus, we must revise a great deal of conventional wisdom regarding this movement's activities, according to which Ikhwani resistance to the regime arose only in response to Syria's intervention in the Lebanese war. For a useful discussion of a parallel conceptual issue, see Mason, Tim W., ‘The Workers' Opposition in Nazi Germany,” History Workshop 11 (Spring 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33. For summaries of Syria's recent political history, see Rabinovich, Itamar, Syria under the Ba'th 1963–66 (New York: Halsted, 1972Google Scholar), and Dam, Nikolaos van, The Struggle for Power in Syria (New York: St. Martin's, 1979)Google Scholar.

34. Dam, Nikolaos van, “Sectarian and Regional Factionalism in the Syrian Political Elite,” Middle East Journal 32 (Spring 1978), p. 210Google Scholar.

35. Drysdale, Alasdair, “The Syrian Political Elite, 1966–1976: A Spatial and Social Analysis,” Middle Eastern Studies 17 (01 1981), pp. 7 and 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36. Ibid., p. 12; van Dam, “Sectarian and Regional Factionalism,” p. 207.

37. Dusen, Van, “Political Integration,” pp. 129–30Google Scholar; Petran, , Syria, pp. 156–57Google Scholar.

38. Longuenesse, Elisabeth, “The Class Nature of the State in Syria,” MERIP Reports 77 (05 1979), pp. 911Google Scholar.

39. Hansen, Bent, “Economic Development of Syria,” in Cooper, C. A. and Alexander, S. S., eds., Economic Development and Population Growth in the Middle East (New York: Elsevier, 1972), pp. 351–52Google Scholar; Longuenesse, , “Class Nature,” pp. 45Google Scholar; Dawisha, , Syria and the Lebanese Crisis, p. 43Google Scholar.

40. Petran, , Syria, pp. 8283 and 156–57Google Scholar.

41. Dawisha, , Syria and the Lebanese Crisis, p. 43Google Scholar; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Cotton in Syria, p. 27Google Scholar.

42. MEED, 30 April 1976; Keilany, , “Land Reform,” p. 212Google Scholar.

43. MEED, 30 April 1976 and 7 May 1976; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Cotton in Syria, p. 6Google Scholar.

44. Carr, David W., “Capital Flows and Development in Syria,” Middle East Journal 34 (Autumn 1980), p. 460Google Scholar.

45. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Cotton in Syria, p. 27Google Scholar.

46. Petran, , Syria, p. 211; MEED, 19 March 1976; Wall Street Journal, 2 March 1981Google Scholar.

47. Vatikiotis, , “Politics of the Fertile Crescent,” p. 226Google Scholar.

48. Longuenesse, Elisabeth, “L'industrialisation et sa signification sociale,” in Raymond, A., ed., La Syrie d'aujourd'hui (Paris: CNRS, 1980), p. 338Google Scholar.

49. Ibid., p. 336; Michel Chatelus, “La croissance economique: mutations des structures et dynamisme du déséquilibre,” in Raymond, Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 233.

50. Rabinovich, Itamar, “Syria,” in Legum, C., ed., Middle East Contemporary Survey 1976–77 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978), p. 609Google Scholar; ARR, 16–30 April 1976; Christian Science Monitor, 26 May 1976, p. 9; MEED, 26 March 1976, p. 35.

51. MEED, 19 March 1976.

52. Carr, , “Capital Flows,” p. 459Google Scholar.

53. MEED, 25 August 1975 and 19 March 1976; ARR, 1–15 September 1976.

54. Rabinovich, , “Syria,” p. [606Google Scholar; Los Angeles Times, 7 April 1980, p. 1.

55. ARR, 16–30 June 1976; Carr, , “Capital Flows,” pp. 460–62Google Scholar.

56. Ibid. During the first quarter of 1976, there were persistent reports that the level of concessionary aid monies coming into Syria from Arab oil-producing countries was about to be reduced substantially, a move that would have greatly exacerbated the regime's financial difficulties. See Kanovsky, , Economic Development of Syria, pp. 142–43Google Scholar.

57. Fruit production in Syria rose significantly between 1974 and 1975 as fruits like apricots and apples were introduced by middle and large landholders in the southwestern parts of the country for shipment to European markets. ARR, 15–29 February 1976; Arab Economist 141 (06 1981), p. 20Google Scholar.

58. MEED, 23 April 1976.

59. New York Times, 26 December 1975, p. A5 and 4 March 1976, p. A7.

60. Kerr, Malcolm, “Hafiz Asad and the Changing Patterns of Syrian Politics,” International Journal 28 (Autumn 1973), pp. 703 and 706CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61. Donahue, John J., “The New Syrian Constitution and the Religious Opposition,” CEMAM Reports 1 (19721973), pp. 84 and 94Google Scholar.

62. ARR, 16–31 July 1975.

63. ARR, 1–14 August 1975; MEED, 1 August 1975.

64. Abd-Allah, , Islamic Struggle in Syria, p. 78Google Scholar.

65. ARR, 1–14 February 1976, 15–29 February 1976, and 1–14 April 1976.

66. ARR, 1–15 July 1976.

67. ARR, 1–15 July 1976 and 16–30 September 1976; Dam, van, “Middle Eastern Political Cliches,” p. 56Google Scholar note 36; Rabinovich, , “Syria,” p. 609Google Scholar; Rabinovich, , “Limits of Military Power,” pp. 64–65Google Scholar.

68. ARR, 16–31 August 1976 and 1–15 September 1976.

69. Schanche, Don A., “Syria's Leader Rules by Arms and Conciliation,” Los Angeles Times, 7 04 1980Google Scholar; McManus, Doyle, “Terrorists Try to Shake Syrian Stability,” Los Angeles Times, 9 03 1980Google Scholar.

70. MEED, 30 April 1976 and 19 March 1976; ARR, 15–29 February 1976.

71. Petran, , Syria, p. 251Google Scholar.

72. During the 1960s, Lebanon became a major exporter of manufactured goods to regional markets. Among the items exported by Lebanese companies that had the most dramatic growth rates between 1967 and 1974 were aluminum, soap, clothing, carpets, electrical equipment, medicines, and furniture. Andr6 Chaib calls these years “a consumer-goods-leading period” of Lebanese economic development. During most of this period, the largest markets for these goods were those in the oil-producing countries. Thus, Chaib observes that “Syria's share of these exports fell from around 25 percent to around seven percent” between 1951 and 1973. But light manufactured goods imported from Lebanon continued to enter Syria at a steady rate throughout these years. See Chaib, , “Analysis of Lebanon's Merchandise Exports 1951–1974,” Middle East Journal 34 (Autumn 1980), pp. 442–46Google Scholar.

73. Kanovsky, , Economic Development of Syria, pp. 145–46Google Scholar.

74. Carr, “Capital Flows,” passim.

75. Syria's foreign public debt increased by almost one-third to $661 million in 1975. After 1974, a growing proportion of these funds was being borrowed from private lenders at market rates. See United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Supplement to World Economic Survey 1976 (New York: United Nations, 1978), p. 189Google Scholar; International Monetary Fund, World Debt Tables: External Public Debt of Developing Countries, EC-167/77 (2 September 1977), I: 79, 91, 175, 177, and 238; Klein, Thomas M., “The External Debt Situation of Developing Countries,” Finance and Development 13 (12 1976)Google Scholar.

76. ARR, 1–15 May 1976; cf. IMF, World Debt Tables: External Public Debt, I: 79 and 81.

77. IMF, International Financial Statistics 32 (12 1979), pp. 372–73Google Scholar, lines 26g and 60.

78. “Lebanon Benefits from Role as a Center for Trading and Finance in the Middle East,” IMF Survey, 14 April 1975, p. 102; MEED, 16 August 1974, p. 949; Economist Intelligence Unit, Quarterly Economic Review of Syria, Lebanon, and Cyprus, 2d quarter 1974, p. 8.

79. Economist Intelligence Unit, Quarterly Economic Review of Lebanon, 3d quarter 1975, p. 12; Nasr, Salim, “The Crisis of Lebanese Capitalism,” MERIP Reports 73 (12 1978Google Scholar); Moore, Clement H., “Le systeme bancaire libanais,” Maghreb/Machrek 99 (0104 1983)Google Scholar.

80. Askari, Hossein and Cummings, John, Middle East Economies in the 1970s: A Comparative Approach (New York: Praeger, 1976), pp. 344Google Scholar and 352–53; MEED, 18 July 1975, p. 8.

81. ARR, 15–29 February 1976.

82. Kanovsky, , Economic Development of Syria, p. 144Google Scholar.

83. See Rabinovich, “Syria.”

84. Dawisha, A. I., “Syria under Asad, 1970–78: The Centres of Power,” Government and Opposition 13 (Summer 1978), pp. 349CrossRefGoogle Scholar–53. On this issue, it is useful to compare Roger Owen, The Role of the Army in Middle Eastern Politics: A Critique of Existing Analyses,” Review of Middle East Studies 3 (1978Google Scholar), with Ossowski, Stanislaw, Class Structure in the Social Consciousness (New York: Free Press, 1963)Google Scholar.

85. Dam, Van, Struggle for Power in Syria, chap. 5; Batatu, “Some Observations,” pp. 340–43Google Scholar; Drysdale, Alasdair, “The Syrian Armed Forces in National Politics: The Role of the Geographic and Ethnic Periphery,” in Kolkowicz, R. and Korbonski, A., eds., Soldiers, Peasants, and Bureaucrats (London: Allen & Unwin, 1982), pp. 6970Google Scholar; Picard, Elizabeth, “Ouverture feconomique et renforcement militaireen Syrie,” Orienle Moderno 59 (July-December 1979Google Scholar ); Michaud, Gerard, “The Importance of Bodyguards,” MER1P Reports 110 (1112 1982)Google Scholar.

86. ARR, various numbers for June and July 1976.

87. Gourevitch, Peter A., “International Trade, Domestic Coalitions, and Liberty: Comparative Responses to the Crisis of 1873–1896,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 8 (Autumn 1977CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Kimber, Richard, “Collective Action and Fallacy of the Liberal Fallacy,” World Politics 33 (01 1981CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Bates, Robert H. and Rogerson, William P., “Agriculture in Development: A Coalitional Analysis,” Public Choice 35 (1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88. Lancaster, Kelvin, “The Dynamic Inefficiency of Capitalism,” Journal of Political Economy 81 (0910 1973), pp. 10921109CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elster, Jon, “Marxism, Functionalism, and Game Theory,” Theory and Society 11 (1982)Google Scholar.

89. For an effort to use this sort of approach to explain Syrian foreign policy, see Burrowes, Robert and Spector, Bertram, “The Strength and Direction of Relationships between Domestic and External Conflict and Cooperation: Syria, 1961–67,” in Wilkenfeld, Jonathan, ed., Conflict Behavior and Linkage Politics (New York: McKay, 1973Google Scholar), and Burrowes, and DeMaio, Gerald, “Domestic/External Linkages: Syria, 1961–1967,” Comparative Political Studies 7 (01 1975). A more sophisticated attempt in this same direction can be found in Bar-Siman-Tov, Linkage Politics in the Middle EastCrossRefGoogle Scholar.