The following individuals commented on earlier drafts of this article and the ideas that produced this version: Emanuel Adler, Gehad Auda, Raymond Duvall, Peter Katzenstein, F. Gregory Gause, Ellis Goldberg, Moshe Maoz, Robert McCalla, Joel Migdal, Craig Murphy, Bruce Maddy-Weitzman, Malik Mufti, John Odell, Avraham Sela, Janice Thomson, Cindy Weber, Jutta Weldes, Alexander Wendt, Crawford Young, many others at the Social Sciences Research Council-sponsored workshop at Brown University, 26–28 February, 1993, and the anonymous referees at International Organization. I also thank the research assistance of Ashshraf Rady in Cairo, Avi Muallen in Tel-Aviv, and Michael Malley in Madison, Wisconsin. This research was supported by the MacArthur Program in International Peace and Security and the Global Studies and Research Program at the University of Wisconsin. An earlier version of this article will appear in Thomas Biersteker and Cynthia Weber, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).

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32. As Alexander writes, “For the sake of interpretation it is often more useful to move backwards, from one's discovery of the residual categories back to the basic tensions which they have been developed to obscure.” See his Twenty Lectures, pp. 124–25. “It follows from this,” writes Parsons, “that the surest symptom of impending change in a theoretical system is increasingly general interest in such residual categories.” See Parsons, Talcott, The Structure of Social Action, vol. 1 (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 18Google Scholar.

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74. Owen, ibid.

75. Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 613Google Scholar.

76. Luciani, Giacomo and Salame, Ghassan, “The Politics of Arab Integration,” in Luciani, , The Arab State, p. 398Google Scholar.

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78. Wendt, , “Anarchy is What States Make of It,” pp. 14–7Google Scholar.

79. Ibid. pp. 406–7.

80. On interaction, social identities and roles, and order, also see Berger and Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality; Nicholas Abercrombie, “Knowledge, Order, and Human Autonomy,” in Hunter, J. and Ainlay, S., eds., Making Sense of Modern Times: Peter Berger and the Vision of Interpretive Sociology (New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), pp. 11–30 and pp. 18–19 in particularGoogle Scholar; and Turner, Jonathan, The Theory of Social Interaction (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

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82. See Porath, Yehoshua, In Search of Arab Unity (London: Frank Cass, 1986)Google Scholar; Seale, Patrick, The Struggle for Syria (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Baddy-Weitzmann, Bruce, The Crystallization of the Arab State System (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

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84. Kerr, Malcom, The Arab Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971)Google Scholar; Taylor, , The Arab Balance of Power System, p. 37Google Scholar; Vatikiotis, , Arab and Regional Politics in the Middle East, p. 84Google Scholar; and Owen, , State, Power, and Politics in the Making of the Modern Middle East, p. 88Google Scholar.

85. For more on these talks see Ken, Arab Cold War.

86. Ajami, The Arab Predicament.

87. BBC World Broadcast, ME/2519/ A/8,18 July 1967.

88. Ansari, Hameid, Egypt: The Stalled Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), p. 150Google Scholar.

89. BBC World Broadcasts, ME/2561 /A/6, 6 September 1967. Also see the editorials in the Baghdadi al-Fajr al-Jadid and the Egyptian al-Akhbar al-Yawm, reprinted in British Broadcasting Company, BBC World Broadcasts, ME/2558/A/3, 2 September 1967, and ME/2559/A/4, 4 September 1967, respectively. For a fuller treatment of the symbolic significance of the Khartoum summit, see Ajami, The Arab Predicament.

90. The decline of pan-Arabism also encouraged more regional affiliations and loyalties: “A North African (maghribi) or a Gulf Arab (khaliji) identity, which had once been an anathema, was no longer so, and the ‘Egypt-first’ slogan that had once been held in check gradually became acceptable.” See Salame, , “Inter-Arab Politics,” p. 322Google Scholar.

91. For instance, Shaykh al-Nuhayyan of the United Arab Emirates observed that, “The Arab nation's split and fragmentation existed before the Gulf War, but this war has aggravated and deepened this split.” See “President on Prospects for Arab Unity,” Foreign Broadcast Information Service-Near East (FBIS-NES), 20 March 1994, p. 25. Also see Lewis, Bernard, “Rethinking the Middle East,” Foreign Affairs 71 (4 1992) pp. 103–1CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Karawan, Ibrahim, “Arab Dilemmas in the 1990s: Breaking Taboos and Searching for Signposts,” Middle East Journal 48 (Summer 1994), pp. 433–54Google Scholar.

92. The rise of statist interests shaped post-Persian Gulf War regional security patterns. The real importance—and the only surviving principle—of the Damascus Declaration of 1991, which was ostensibly designed to create a security alliance between the Gulf states and Syria and Egypt, was its insistence on sovereignty as the basis of inter-Arab politics. The Gulf Cooperation Council states insisted that sovereignty and security were indistinguishable. See FBIS–NES–92–241, 15 December 1992, pp. 10–11. As acknowledged by then Egyptian minister Boutros Boutros-Ghali, in an undated interview, “The painful realities resulting from Iraq's invasion of Kuwait and its usurpation of the territory of a fraternal Arab state include the collapse of the traditional concept of Pan-Arab security.” Cited in FBIS–NES–91–059, 27 March 1991, pp. 9–10. Moreover, the emergence of statism has erased the differentiation between Arab and non-Arab states and therefore enables the inclusion of all regional actors in strategic alliances and balancing formulations. See “Arafat Suggests Formation of Mideast ‘Regional Order’," FBIS–NES, 4 thirummal 1994. Finally, at a recent Arab League conference Arab states agreed for the first time that each could identify its own security threats. See Granot, Oded, “Outcome of Arab League Conference Analyzed,” Ma'ariv (Israel), in FBIS-NES, 31 March 1994, p. 3Google Scholar.

93. As Lewis notes, “The decline of Pan-Arabism as a force shaping the policies of Arab governments can be measured in the level and intensity of their support for other Arab governments and peoples.” See Lewis, , “Rethinking the Middle East,” p. 100Google Scholar.

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96. For a discussion linking the demise of empires and the rise of nationalism, see Tilly, Charles, “States and Nationalism in Europe, 1492–1992,” Theory and Society, vol. 23, no. 1, 1994, pp. 131–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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102. That no summit occurred in 1966 was testimony to the re-emergence of Arab radicalism. Vatikiotis, , Arab and Regional Politics, p. 87Google Scholar.

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104. For other arguments and indicators concerning the willingness of Arab leaders to recognize the principle of noninterference, see Salame, “Inter-Arab Politics”; Brynen, , “Palestine and the Arab State System,” p. 603Google Scholar; and Lewis, , “Rethinking the Middle East,” p. 117Google Scholar.

105. For the general theme of the interaction between the expanding norms of international society and regional systems, see Bull and Watson, The Expansion of International Society.

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108. While Islamic movements may or may not be compatible with juridical sovereignty, they do challenge the internal sovereignty of many Arab states. For an argument concerning the compatibility between Islam and juridical sovereignty, see Piscatori, James, Islam in a World of Nation-States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.For the opposing claim, see Bassam Tibi, “Religious Fundamentalism and Ethnicity in the Crisis of the Nation-State in the Middle East,” working paper 5.4, Center for German and European Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1992. For a discussion of the relationship between Islam and Arabism, see Tibi, , Arab Nationalism, pp. 17–20Google Scholar.On subnational identities, see Khoury, Philip and Kostiner, Joseph, “Introduction: Tribes and the Complexities of State Formation in the Middle East,” in Khoury, Philip and Kostiner, Joseph, eds. Tribes and State Formation in the Middle East (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 1–22Google Scholar.

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