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Is world politics evolutionary learning?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
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The claim is advanced for recognizing evolutionary learning as the generative principle of world politics. Immanuel Kant was the first to specify a “natural” process leading toward “perpetual peace.” The long cycle, seen as the process of structural change. is explained with the help of a Parsonian learning model and a social evolutionary model and is argued to be coupled with the Kantian process. The long cycle defines the agenda for change in the major institutional complexes of world politics and deepens our understanding of the conditions for the control of global war.
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Earlier versions of this article were presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association in Chicago in September 1987 and at the University of Stockholm in April 1988.1 am grateful for helpful comments from Timothy Amen, Richard K. Ashley, A. R. James, Stephen Krasner, Randolph Siverson, and William R. Thompson.
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38. Because the global problems discussed here are those to be resolved by innovation, the interdisciplinary field of innovation-diffusion might be a source of insights. In his recent synthesis of research evidence in this field, Rogers indicates that “stages exist in the innovation-decision process” and that the process is viewed as a sequence of the following: (1) knowledge, (2) persuasion, (3) decision making, (4) implementation, and (5) confirmation. See Rogers, Everett M., Diffusion of Innovations, 3d ed. (New York: Free Press, 1983), pp. 164–209Google Scholar. A basic tool for the analysis of innovation-diffusion is the S-shaped, logistic curve.
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43. The long cycle is one of a family of global collective evolutionary processes. Others coupled with it include the Kondratieff wave, the Kantian process of global community formation (democratization), and the global system process itself.
44. Parsons, Talcott, Social Systems and the Evolution of Action Theory (New York: Free Press, 1977), p. 2.Google Scholar
45. For an excellent discussion of types of evolutionary thought, see Campbell, “Variation and Selective Retention in Socio-Cultural Evolution.” The variant of evolutionary theory pursued in the present study is what Campbell calls “theory descriptive of the process of evolution: variation and selective retention” (pp. 70–71).
46. For a discussion of the place of the evolutionary model in contemporary political science, see Corning, Peter A., “The Biological Bases of Behavior and Some Implications for Political Science,” World Politics 23 (04 1971), pp. 321–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The evolutionary perspective on economics is rooted in the work of Joseph Schumpeter, whose Theory of Economic Development (1934) described competition as a continuing, winner- and loser-producing disequilibrium led by innovation-inducing entrepreneurs and whose Business Cycles (1939) introduced the Kon-dratieff wave as a bunching of innovations. For a full exposition of this perspective, see Nelson, Richard L. and Winter, Sidney G., An Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982).Google Scholar Nelson and Winter criticize the orthodox model based on choice maximization and equilibrium and offer in its place an evolutionary alternative based on the distinction between routine behavior and innovation and on the concepts of variety-inducing search and selection: “Through the joint action of search and selection, the firms evolve over time, with the condition of industry in each period bearing the seeds of its condition in the following period” (p. 19). Their account of economic evolution is an account of a Markov process in which, given that event A has occurred, the question becomes, “What is the probability that the next event is B?” According to Nelson and Wilson, “It is precisely in the characteristics of the transition from one period to the next that the main theoretical commitments of evolutionary theory have application” (ibid.). For examples of recent economic research on Kondratieff waves, see Freeman, Christopher, ed., Long Waves in the World Economy (London: Francis Pinter, 1984).Google Scholar
47. Popper's evolutionary theory of science comes quite close to the learning model. In Objective Knowledge, pp. 242–43Google Scholar, Popper states that organisms are engaged in solving objective problems (P) which need not have a conscious counterpart and that problem solving proceeds by trial and error (TS) (the source of variation) and error elimination (EE) (selection). Popper insists that his sequence P(1) → TS → EE → P(2) is not a cycle, because the completion of one problem, P(1), creates a new situation for the start of the next problem-solving sequence, P(2).
48. See Pringle, J. W. S., “On the Parallel Between Evolution and Learning,” Behavior, vol. 3, part 3, 1951, pp. 174–214CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Pringle notes that “a type of mechanism … capable of performing a selection of variation in time in a manner analogous to the natural selection of variation in form … is to be found in the properties of coupled oscillators” (p. 186) and that “the phenomenon of synchronization of oscillators … can lead, in a population of oscillators, to an ‘evolutionary’ increase of complexity of rhythm, in a manner analogous to the increase in structural complexity which occurs in organic evolution” (p. 212).
49. For an appraisal of the state of current evolutionary theory in general and macroevolution (higher-order selection operating upon groups of species) in particular, see Gould, Stephen J., “Is a New General Theory of Evolution Emerging?” in Yates, Self-Organizing Systems, pp. 113–30Google Scholar. Gould is critical of the “modern synthesis” for its reductionism. He argues that a new evolutionary theory will embody a concept of hierarchy of levels and will stress the control of the process both by selection and by the constraints of history, development, and architecture.
50. Eder, , Geschichte als Lernprozess, pp. 39 and 47.Google Scholar
51. The argument of Eder (ibid.) is a related one. His underlying question is, “Why wasn't Germany like England?” Why did Germany lag in democratic development? Eder, broadly following Habermas's work, argues that in the social learning process, the variety which springs from the multitude of free, voluntary, and equality-based associations must stand in a denned relationship of equilibrium with the process of institutionalization. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Germany had the requisite variety but met failure on the more purely political front. Selection therefore dominated variety, and the result was a “pathological” learning process. It is an interesting argument based on a model of social system learning. Interestingly, too, the question could be posed as a long cycle problem, the solution for which a full range of long cycle categories could be deployed. The works of Eder and Habermas show a convergence of thought on an emerging evolutionary model.
52. Calvinist International is the term used by historians to denote the network of connections linking national religious organizations and Calvinist political leadership in Europe after 1560. For documentation of the Anglo-Dutch and Anglo-American “core alliances” serving as the nuclei of the global system, see Modelski, and Modelski, , Documenting Global Leadership, especially documents 12, 15, 16, 19, 21–24, 53, and 56–61.Google Scholar
53. For a theoretical and empirical development of the idea of a liberal community, see Cole, Timothy M., “United States Leadership and the Liberal Community of States,” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1987.Google Scholar
54. See Doyle, Michael W., “Liberalism and World Politics,” American Political Science Review 80 (12 1986), pp. 1151–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Rummel has published several studies documenting the dearth of violence between democratic states; see, for example, Rummel, Rudolph, “Liberalism and International Violence,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 27 (03 1983), pp. 27–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
55. In the late 1980s, almost 40 percent of the world's population lived in democratic countries. If democratization is an innovation-diffusion process (as is likely), this fraction is likely to rise toward the 90 percent level sometime in the course of the twenty-first century. See Modelski, George and Perry, Gardner III, “Democratization in Long Perspective,” paper presented at the International Conference on Diffusion of Technologies and Social Behaviour, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Laxenburg, Austria, June 1989.Google Scholar
56. Kant, , “Perpetual Peace,” p. 256.Google Scholar
57. States with innovative potential in respect to these institutional orders are those characterized by open societies, free economies, global reach, and insularity.
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