¹ A notable exception is Deutsch, Karl, Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass.: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1953).Google Scholar

² Olson, Mancur Jr., “Rapid Growth as a Destabilizing Force,” The Journal of Economic History 23 (December 1963): 529–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Deutsch, p. 39.

⁴ Perroux, Francois, “Note sur la notion de ‘pole de croissance’, Matériaux pour une analyse de la croissance économique,” Cahiers de l'Institut de Science Economique Appliquee, Serie D, 8 (1955), p. 309.Google Scholar Author's translation.

⁵ Hirschman, Albert, The Strategy of Economic Development (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1958), pp. 183–87;Google ScholarMyrdal, Gunnar, Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1971), pp. 23–39.Google Scholar

⁶ Hirschman, p. 187.

⁷ Friedman, John, Regional Development Policy—A Case Study of Venezuela (Cambridge, Mass.: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1966), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

⁸ Hawtrey, R. G., Economic Aspects of Sovereignty (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1952), p. 48.Google Scholar

⁹ Baran, Paul, The Political Economy of Growth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1957).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Lewis, W. Arthur, Theory of Economic Growth (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1965), p.353.Google Scholar

¹¹ Gerschenkron, Alexander, “Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective,” in The Progress of Underdeveloped Areas, ed. Hoselitz, Bert (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), pp. 27–29.Google Scholar

¹² Ibid.

¹³ Veblen, Thorstein, Imperial Germany and the Industrial Revolution (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1915).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Polanyi, Michael, Primitive, Archaic and Modern Economies—Essays of Karl Polanyi, ed. Dalton, George (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1968), p. xxv.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For the classical statement of the nationalist argument, see List, Frederick, National System of Political Economy, trans. Matile, G. A. (Philadelphia, Pa.: J. B. Lippincott and Co., 1856).Google Scholar

¹⁶ “The Importance of Staple Products,” in The Fur Trade in Canada, reprinted inEasterbrook, W. T. and Watkins, M. H., Approaches to Canadian Economic History (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967), p. 18.Google Scholar

¹⁷ This section of the essay relies heavily on Canada, Force, Gray Task, Foreign Direct Investment in Canada (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1972);Google Scholar also referred to as the Gray report.

¹⁸ Quoted in Marshall, Herbert and Taylor, Kenneth, Canadian-American Industry; A Study in International Investment (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1936), pp. 274–75.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted in Canadian Institute of International Affairs, International Canada (Toronto: Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1970), pp. 111–12.

²⁰ This interesting idea was suggested to me in a private communication from W. B. Walker of the University of Sussex.

²¹ Johnson, Harry, The Canadian Quandary (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1963).Google Scholar

²² See, for example, Safarian, A. E., The Performance of Foreign-Owned Firms in Canada (Washington, D.C.: Canadian-American Committee, 1969).Google Scholar

²³ Financial Post (Toronto), 21 July 1973.

²⁴ Gray report, p. 6.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ This argument, of course, is essentially that of Breton, Albert in his influential “The Economics of Nationalism,” Journal of Political Economy 72, no. 2 (1964): 376–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁷ A major point of the Gray report is that the greater part of American investment in Canada is financed from Canadian sources.

²⁸ Financial Post (Toronto), 30 June 1973.

²⁹ For an analysis of the two dominant schools of French-Canadian thought on the future of Quebec, see Clark, Gerald, The United States and Canada (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 285–96.Google Scholar

³⁰ The economic position of Le Parti Québécois is spelled out in La Souveraineté et L'Economie, Mars 1970; see Lévesque, René, An Option for Quebec (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1968);Google ScholarLa Solution, Le programme du Parti Québécois presenté par René Lévesque (Quebec: Edition du Jour, 1970). The most recent statement is Le Parti Québécois, Quand nous Serons Vraiment chez nous, October 1972.

³¹ Roma Dauphin, “The Effects of Potential Trade Liberation on Manufacturing Industries of Quebec,” p. 6–7. (Mimeographed.)

³² Ibid.

³³ For the federalist critique of independence, see Brichart, Andrew A., Option Canada (Quebec: The Canada Committee, 1968).Google Scholar

³⁴ See, for example, Levitt, Kari, Silent Surrender: The American Economic Empire in Canada, reprint ed. (New York: Liveright, 1971);Google Scholar see also my “American Direct Investment and Canada's Two Nationalisms,” in The Influence of the United States on Canadian Development, ed. Preston, Richard (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1972.Google Scholar

³⁵ For an excellent analysis of this shift, see Higgins, Benjamin, “Regional Interactions, the Frontier and Economic Growth,” in Growth Poles and Growth Centres in Regional Planning, ed. Kuklinski, Antoni (The Hague: Mouton, 1972).Google Scholar

³⁶ (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin and Co., 1973.) Set in 1980, the novel tells ofan American-Canadian conflict centering on American demands for Canadian Arctic natural gas. Its climax is the American absorption of Canada.

³⁷ For two different views of this matter, see Tremblay, Rodrigue, Independence et marché commun Quebec-Etats-Unis (Quebec: Edition du Jour, 1970);Google ScholarDauphin, Roma, Les options économiqnes du Quebec (Quebec: Editions Commerce, 1971).Google Scholar