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Feudal Europe, 800–1300: communal discourse and conflictual practices

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

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The discipline of international relations faces a new debate of fundamental significance. After the realist challenge to the pervasive idealism of the interwar years and the social scientific argument against realism in the late 1950s, it is now the turn of critical theorists to dispute the established paradigms of international politics, having been remarkably successful in several other fields of social inquiry. In essence, critical theorists claim that all social reality is subject to historical change, that a normative discourse of understandings and values entails corresponding practices, and that social theory must include interpretation and dialectical critique. In international relations, this approach particularly critiques the ahistorical, scientific, and materialist conceptions offered by neorealists. Traditional realists, by contrast, find a little more sympathy in the eyes of critical theorists because they join them in their rejection of social science and structural theory. With regard to liberal institutionalism, critical theorists are naturally sympathetic to its communitarian component while castigating its utilitarian strand as the accomplice of neorealism. Overall, the advent of critical theory will thus focus the field of international relations on its “interparadigm debate” with neorealism.

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References

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34. See Hallam, Elizabeth M., Capetian France, 987–1328 (London: Longman, 1980)Google Scholar.

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36. Ibid., p. 165.

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44. On the belligerent origins of towns, see Elias, Norbert, The History of Manners, trans. Jephcott, Edmund (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), p. 198Google Scholar; Hay, , The Medieval Centuries, pp. 110–11Google Scholar; Mundy, , Europe in the High Middle Ages, p. 154Google Scholar; Painter, , Medieval Society, pp. 7274 and 78–79Google Scholar; Pirenne, , Medieval Cities, pp. 118–21, 134–35, 148–51, and 170–83Google Scholar; and Rörig, Fritz, The Medieval Town (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 1920, 41, 155, 159, and 164Google Scholar.

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49. On the legal characteristics of the fief, see Brunner, , Land und Herrschaft, pp. 252–53Google Scholar; Critchley, , Feudalism, pp. 1718Google Scholar; and Ganshof, , Feudalism, pp. 113–17 and 132–67Google Scholar.

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65. Ibid., pp. 100 and 113.

66. Duby, , La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise, p. 199Google Scholar.

67. Ibid., p. 163.

68. Ibid., p. 160, fn. 51.

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78. The accounts of the cases presented here are drawn from the following works: Tierney, Brian, The Crisis of Church and State, 1050–1300 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964), pp. 5355, 85–86, and 128Google Scholar; and Watt, J. A., “Spiritual and Temporal Powers,” in Burns, , The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, pp. 384–85 and 394Google Scholar.

79. Mundy, , Europe in the High Middle Ages, pp. 330 and 325Google Scholar. See also Nelson, Janet, “Kingship and Empire,” p. 248Google Scholar.

80. Duby, , La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise, p. 169Google Scholar.

81. Bloch, , Feudal Society, p. 410Google Scholar.

82. Ruggie, , “Continuity and Transformation in the World Polity,” p. 275Google Scholar.