For their comments and insights, I am grateful to the members of the review committee of International Organization; to the other contributors to this special issue, especially Peter Haas and M. J. Peterson; to my colleagues at the Center for Science and International Affairs, especially Joseph Nye; and to Hayward Alker, Stephen Graubard, Joseph Grieco, Ernst Haas, and Thomas Schelling. Research funds were provided by the Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, and by the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. An earlier version of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, D.C., 1988.

1. An epistemic community, as defined in this issue of IO, is a network of individuals or groups with an authoritative claim to policy-relevant knowledge within their domain of expertise. The community members share knowledge about the causation of social and physical phenomena in an area for which they have a reputation for competence, and they have a common set of normative beliefs about what will benefit human welfare in such a domain. While members are often from a number of different professions and disciplines, they adhere to the following: (1) shared consummatory values and principled beliefs; (2) shared causal beliefs or professional judgment; (3) common notions of validity based on intersubjective, internally defined criteria for validating knowledge; and (4) a common policy project.

2. Freedman, Lawrence, The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983), p. 191.Google ScholarInternational Organization 46, 1, Winter 1992Google Scholar by the World Peace Foundation and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

3. See Posvar, Wesley W., “The New Meaning of Arms Control,” Air Force Magazine, 06 1963, p. 38Google Scholar. For another study on intellectuals and nuclear weapons, see Kolkowicz, Roman, “Intellectuals and the Nuclear Deterrence System,” in Kolkowicz, Roman, ed., The Logic of Nuclear Terror (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987), pp. 15–46.Google Scholar

4. Krasner has defined international regimes as “sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations.” Whether the regime concept applies to international security, however, has been debated. On the one hand, Jervis and others have argued that the anarchic characteristics of this issue-area tend to lower incentives for cooperation and regime building. On the other hand, Nye has shown that once we take the set of agreements, injunctions, and institutions as forming not just one comprehensive security regime but an incomplete mosaic of partial security regimes, the notion of security regimes makes sense. These partial security regimes have led to the creation of understandings about what it takes to negotiate security agreements, what type of norms and rules can be applied, and how. In some cases, they have helped to institutionalize rules of reciprocity, limit competition, transfer information needed to comply with the agreements, and enhance crisis stability by generating stable expectations, including the expectation that diplomacy and negotiations should not be interrupted in the event of international crises. Taken together, and regardless of their various degrees of success, partial security regimes have amounted to a discreet yet significant effort to limit and control autonomous action in the security area. See Krasner, Stephen, “Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as Intervening Variables,” in Krasner, Stephen D., ed., International Regimes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), p. 2;Google ScholarJervis, Robert, “Security Regimes,” in Krasner, International Regimes, pp. 173–94;Google Scholar and Nye, Joseph S. Jr, “Nuclear Learning,” International Organization 41 (Summer 1987), pp. 371–402.Google Scholar

5. Ranger, Robin, Amis and Politics, 1958–1978: As Control in a Changing Political Context (Toronto: Macmillan, 1979).Google Scholar

6. See Putnam, Robert D., “Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games,” International Organization 42 (Summer 1988), p. 434Google Scholar. My approach is further developed in “Cognitive Evolution: A Dynamic Approach for the Study of International Relations and Their Progress,” in Adler, Emanuel and Crawford, Beverly, eds., Progress in Postwar International Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), pp. 43–88Google Scholar. See also Adler, Emanuel, The Power of Ideology: The Quest for Technological Autonomy in Argentina and Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987)Google Scholar. For other approaches dealing with the role of ideas in world politics, see Goldstein, Judith, “Ideas, Institutions, and American Trade Policy,” International Organization 42 (Winter 1988), pp. 179–217Google Scholar; Odell, John S., U.S. International Monetary Policy: Markets, Power, and Ideas as Sources of Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Ruggie, John G., “International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,” in Krasner, International Regimes, pp. 195–231Google Scholar; and Hall, Peter A., ed., The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism Across Nations (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990)Google Scholar. For key structural realist studies, see Waltz, Kenneth N., Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979)Google Scholar; and Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

7. Weber, Steve, “Realism, Detente and Nuclear Weapons,” International Organization 44 (Winter 1990), p. 77.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8. The conventional structural analysis refers to the approach outlined by Waltz, in Theory of International PoliticsGoogle Scholar. According to Weber, the new structural organizing principle “follows from joint custodianship, a function that was acquired by the United States and Soviet Union and which fundamentally differentiates them from other states.” See Weber, , “Realism, Detente and Nuclear Weapons,” p. 77.Google Scholar

9. Structuration theory, as defined by Wendt, is “a relational solution to the agent-structure problem that conceptualizes agents and structures as mutually constituted or co-determined entities.” See Wendt, Alexander E., “The Agent-Structure Problem in International Relations Theory,” international Organization 41 (Summer 1987), p. 350Google Scholar. See also Giddens, Anthony, Central Problems in Social Theory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979)Google Scholar; and Giddens, Anthony, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984).Google Scholar

10. Weber, , “Realism, Detente and Nuclear Weapons,” p. 69.Google Scholar

11. This framework is partly inspired by Stephen Toulmin's discussion in Human Understanding (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972), pp. 122–23.Google ScholarPubMed

12. Rotblat, J., History of the Pugwash Conferences (London: Taylor & Francis, 1962).Google Scholar

13. Ruggie, John G., “Changing Frameworks of International Collective Behavior: On the Complementarity of Contradictory Tendencies,” in Choucri, Nazli and Robinson, Thomas W., eds., Forecasting in International Relations: Theory, Methods, Problems, Prospects (San Francisco: Freeman, 1978), p. 403.Google Scholar

14. Brenner, Michael J., “The Theorist as Actor, the Actor as Theorist: Strategy in the Nixon Administration,” Stanford Journal of International Studies 7 (Spring 1972), pp. 109–10.Google Scholar

15. See Posvar, Wesley W., “The Impact of Strategy Expertise on the National Security Policy of the United States,” Public Policy, vol. 13, 1964, p. 39Google Scholar. See also Gowing, Margaret, “An Old and Intimate Relationship,” in Bogdanor, Vernon, ed., Science and Politics (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), p. 68Google Scholar. According to Gowing, “The scientists of the atomic era indeed became acutely conscious of phenomena which rule political life: the conflict of desires and aims, the conflict between the interests of different generations, the difficulty of calculating consequences. In the years of their ascendency they proved that they were not all-wise nor indeed all-wicked but infinitely human. They could change their minds with devastating speed. They could be both wise and foolish, both myopic and far-sighted, both judicious and ridiculous, both clear-headed and muddled. They turned out to be, indeed remarkably like the politicians.”

16. See Posvar, , “The Impact of Strategy Expertise on the National Security Policy of the United States,” p. 40Google Scholar. See also Garnett, John, “Strategic Studies and Its Assumptions,” in Baylis, John et al. , eds., Contemporary Strategy (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1987).Google Scholar

17. Reynolds, Charles, The Politics of War: A Study of the Rationality of Violence in International Relations (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), p. 28.Google Scholar

18. I owe this insight to Hayward Alker. On the nonscientific basis of strategy, see Reynolds, , The Politics of War;Google Scholar and Skolnikoff, Eugene B., Science, Technology and American Foreign Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967), p. 110.Google Scholar

19. Wildavsky, Aaron, “Choosing Preferences by Constructing Institutions: A Cultural Theory of Preference Formation,” American Political Science Review 81 (03 1987), p. 9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. Probably the most succinct and best exposition of Schelling's arms control theory is “Reciprocal Measures for Arms Stabilization,” in Brennan, Donald G., ed., Arms Control, Disarmament, and National Security (New York: Brazillier, 1961), pp. 167–86.Google Scholar

21. Adler, , “Cognitive Evolution,” p. 61.Google Scholar

22. These two communities have been the most, though certainly not the only, influential ones from a policy point of view in the nuclear debate. Also involved were communities that strove for nuclear abolition and total disarmament and for solving the nuclear predicament through international institutions and world government. See Levine, Robert A., The Arms Debate (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Herzog, Arthur, The War-Peace Establishment (New York: Harper & Row, 1965)Google Scholar; and Osgood, Robert E., The Nuclear Dilemma in American Strategic Thought (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988)Google Scholar. For example, the peace movement, institutionally represented by the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE), promoted a vision of peace radically different from that of the arms controllers. On some occasions, however, SANE came to the help of arms control. And the peace movement also played a significant role in efforts to set aside disarmament ideas and make room for arms control during the period when scientists who were generally favorable to disarmament agreed nevertheless to support arms control as a temporary measure. On SANE, see Katz, Milton S., Ban the Bomb: A History of SANE, the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, 1957–1985 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986).Google Scholar

23. Brodie augured this approach, arguing (for the wrong reasons, as it later emerged) that nuclear weapons should be used only to deter the adversary. In what is probably the most quoted sentence in the field of national security, Brodie summarized the message of his book: “Thus far, the chief purpose of our military establishment has been to win wars. From now on, its chief purpose must be to avert them. It can have no other useful purpose.” See Brodie, Bernard, The Absolute Weapon (New York: Hartcourt Brace, 1946), p. 76Google Scholar. See also Levine, , The Amts Debate, p. 240.Google Scholar

24. Jervis, Robert, “Arms Control, Stability, and Causes of War,” Daedalus 120 (Winter 1991), p. 172.Google Scholar

25. Borden's, WilliamThere Will Be No Time (New York: Macmillan, 1946)Google Scholar also made early references to the usability of nuclear weapons in war, to the expectation that nuclear wars could be won, and to counterforce targeting, active defenses, and intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM s). Borden did not expect nuclear weapons to revolutionize strategy; he expected them only to reinforce some of the oldest and most classic elements of strategy. Believing that the nuclear adversaries would spare each other's cities because of their vulnerability, Borden expected that nuclear weapons would be used against military installations. See Jervis, Robert, “Strategic Theory: What's New and What's True,” in Kolkowicz, The Logic of Nuclear Terror, p. 48;Google Scholar and Levine, , The Arms Debate, p. 240.Google Scholar

26. Jervis, , “Arms Control, Stability, and Causes of War,” p. 173.Google Scholar

27. Levine, , The Arms Debate, pp. 61 and 89–90.Google Scholar

28. Posvar, , “The New Meaning of Arms Control,” pp. 39–40.Google Scholar

29. Thomas Schelling, personal communication.

30. Herzog, , The War-Peace Establishment, p. 4.Google Scholar

31. Hornig, Donald F., “Science and Government in the USA,” in Brooks, Harvey and Cooper, Chester L., eds., Science for Public Policy (New York: Pergamon Press, 1987), p. 20.Google Scholar

32. Ibid.

33. Posvar, , “The Impact of Strategy Expertise on the National Security Policy of the United States,” p. 49.Google Scholar

34. See Talbott, Strobe, The Master of the Game: Paul Nitze and the Nuclear Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988).Google Scholar

35. Sims, Jennifer E., “The Development of American Arms Control Thought, 1945–1960,” Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., 1985, p. 284.Google Scholar

36. Kaplan, Fred, Wizards of Armageddon (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983), pp. 123–24.Google Scholar

37. Schelling, Thomas C., The Strategy of Conflict (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. vi.Google Scholar

38. See Neumann, John von and Morgenstern, Oscar, Theory of Games and Economic Behavior, 2d ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1947).Google Scholar

39. The economists tended to treat strategic problems in a formal, detached, and almost apolitical manner. This approach elicited a strong reaction and even led some writers to portray the nuclear strategists as lesser human beings. See, for example, Rapoport, Anatol, Strategy and Conscience (New York: Harper & Row, 1964)Google Scholar; Lapp, Ralph, The New Priesthood: The Scientific Elite and the Uses of Power (New York: Harper & Row, 1965)Google Scholar; and Horowitz, Irving L., The War Game: Studies of the New Civilian Militarists (New York: Ballantine Books, 1963).Google Scholar

40. Schelling, Thomas, cited by Herzog in The War-Peace Establishment, p. 49.Google Scholar

41. Sims, , “The Development of American Arms Control Thought,” p. 286.Google Scholar

42. Twenty or more physicists were recruited from MIT to participate in Project Charles and work on continental air defense. The project's product was a three-volume report which concluded that a defense of the United States against Soviet bombers was feasible and should be undertaken promptly. Project Vista dealt with the nonnuclear defense of Europe. See Herken, Gregg, Counsels of War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 61, 63, and 65.Google Scholar

43. Experience in one of the major wartime laboratories, especially the MIT Radiation Laboratory and the Laboratories of the Manhattan Project, or an apprenticeship with one or more of the military “summer studies” still appears to be a useful qualification for scientific advising. See Herken, , Counsels of War, pp. 116–21;Google Scholar and Jacobson, Harold K. and Stein, Eric, Diplomats, Scientists and Politicians: The United States and the Nuclear Test Ban Negotiations (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1966).Google Scholar

44. Business Week, Special Report, 13 07 1963, p. 75.Google Scholar

45. Wiesner, Jerome B., Where Science and Politics Meet (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), p. 176.Google Scholar

46. Sims, , “The Development of American Arms Control Thought,” pp. 303–4.Google Scholar

47. On the question of whether nuclear strategy is a profession, see Licklider, E., The Private Nuclear Strategists (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1971), chap. 7Google Scholar. See also Posvar, Wesley, ‘trategy Expertise and National Security,” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1964.Google Scholar

48. Licklider, , The Private Nuclear Strategists, pp. 119–22, 130, and 135.Google Scholar

49. See Price, Don K., The Scientific Estate (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1965)Google Scholar. See also Gilpin, Robert and Wright, Christopher, eds., Scientists and National Policy Making (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964).Google Scholar

50. For a discussion of the group and a description of the RAND Corporation, see Kaplan, , Wizards of Armageddon, especially pp. 51–73Google Scholar. See also Dickson, Paul, Think-Tanks (New York: Atheneum, 1971).Google Scholar

51. Wohlstetter was a logician-mathematician at RAND. His studies prompted two important reports, R-266 and R-290, dealing with the vulnerability of bombers and the vulnerability of ballistic missiles, respectively. These studies expressed the triumph of quantitative economics oriented study at RAND. As Kaplan noted, “Through Wohlstetter's own personal influence within RAND, vulnerability began to loom as the preoccupying issue, the virtual obsession, of strategic analysis.” See Kaplan, , Wizards of Armageddon, pp. 121–22.Google Scholar

52. Bundy recently characterized the 1955 report as “one of the most influential in the history of American nuclear policy.” See Bundy, McGeorge, Danger and Survival: Choices About the Bomb in the First Fifty Years (New York: Random House, 1988), p. 325.Google Scholar

53. For a discussion of the Gaither Committee report and its influence, see Halperin, Morton, “The Gaither Committee and the Policy Process,” World Politics 13 (04 1961), especially pp. 382–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

54. Killian, James R. Jr, Sputnik, Scientists and Eisenhower (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1977), p. 7.Google Scholar

55. Talbott, , The Master of the Game, p. 70.Google Scholar

56. The members of the first PSAC were Robert Bacher, William Baker, Hoyd Berkner, Hans Bethe, Detler Bronk, James Doolittle, James Fisk, Caryl Haskins, James R. Killian, George Kistiakowsky, Edwin Land, Emanuel Piore, Edward Purcell, Isador Rabi, H. P. Robertson, Jerome Wiesner, Herbert York, and Jerrold Zacharias. On the PSAC, see Killian, , Sputnik, Scientists and Eisenhower, pp. 107–217.Google Scholar

57. In Counsels of War, p. 116Google Scholar, Herken quotes Eisenhower's reaction to the idea of a nuclear war: “You can't have this kind of war; there just aren't enough bulldozers to scrape the bodies off the streets.”

58. Spurgeon Keeny, cited by Herken, in Counsels of War, p. 117Google Scholar. Jerome Wiesner, another community member, offered the following view: “I first became involved in the disarmament problem as a member of the President's Science Advisory Committee. Prior to that I had been the Staff Director of the Gaither Study. The conclusions of this study convinced me that it was not really feasible to protect the American people if a global nuclear war occurred, and that both the Russians and ourselves would suffer terribly. In fact, I became convinced that as long as the Soviet Union was prepared, as it seemed to be, to attempt to match our military effort, there was no help of avoiding an enormous loss of life in the event of a major nuclear war, regardless of the magnitude of our defense effort” (emphasis added). See Wiesner, , Where Science and Politics Meet, p. 174.Google Scholar

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61. Sims, , “The Development of American Arms Control Thought,” p. 302.Google Scholar

62. See Holst, , “Strategic Arms Control and Stability,’ p. 268Google Scholar. “The Westerners,” observed Holst, , “frequently voiced the expectation that they should be able to convince the Easterners by logical argument” (p. 263)Google Scholar. Regarding the Soviet reaction to the American technical approach, see p. 260.Google Scholar

63. See Bechhoefer, Bernard G., Postwar Negotiations for Arms Control (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1961), p. 475Google Scholar. See also Holst, , “Strategic Arms Control and Stability,” pp. 261 and 282.Google Scholar

64. Sims, “The Development of American Arms Control Thought,” chap. 5.

65. In fact, the majority of the “brass” thought these theories to be quite “odd,” since “it seemed to follow [from the theories] that Soviet forces should perhaps not even be targeted, and maybe American cities should not be defended, even if a defense of populations some day became feasible. For if the vulnerability of our forces made us more trigger-happy and was thus a danger to them, then by the same logic their vulnerability was a danger to us: we should therefore not threaten their strategic forces, either directly, by targeting them, or indirectly, by defending our cities and thus effectively neutralizing them.” See Trachtenberg, Marc, “Strategic Thought in America, 1952–1966,” in Trachtenberg, Marc, ed., The Development of American Strategic Thought: Writings on Strategy 1961–1969 and Retrospectives (New York: Garland, 1988), p. 456.Google Scholar

66. See Freedman, , The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy, p. 197Google Scholar. The most comprehensive study to date on the intellectual basis of arms control is Sims's “The Development of American Arms Control Thought.” This section builds substantially on her study.

67. See Bull, Hedley, The Control of the Arms Race (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1961)Google Scholar; and Bull, Hedley, Hedley Bull on Arms Control, selected and introduced by Robert O'Neill and David N. Schwartz (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987).Google Scholar

68. Cousins, Norman, “Foreword,” in Hawkins, Helen S., Greb, G. Allen, and Szilard, Gertrud Weiss, eds., Toward a Livable World: Leo Szilard and the Crusade for Nuclear Arms Control (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1987), p. xii.Google Scholar

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75. See Rotblat, , History of the Pugwash Conferences;Google ScholarRotblat, Joseph, “Movements of Scientists Against the Arms Race,” in Rotblat, Joseph, ed., Scientists, the Arms Race and Disarmament (London: Taylor & Francis, 1982), pp. 115–57.Google Scholar

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79. See Bechhoefer, , Postwar Negotiations for Arms Control, part 2;Google Scholar and Bundy, , Danger and Survival, chap. 4. In 06 1946Google Scholar, Bernard Baruch, the U.S. negotiator at the United Nations, proposed the following plan for the international control of nuclear energy: the United States would place its entire atomic weapons production under an international authority, and other nations would be barred from producing nuclear weapons and would allow their facilities to be placed under the international authority. The plan also promoted the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

80. Sims, , “The Development of American Arms Control Thought,” p. 244.Google Scholar

81. Dulles supported arms control only on the condition that the price was right and that American prestige abroad would be enhanced.

82. By developing plans for air reconnaissance, a nuclear freeze, nuclear arms reductions, and a set of objectives for arms control, Stassen augured the “golden era of arms control.”

83. Schelling, , The Strategy of Conflict, p. 207.Google Scholar

84. Freedman, , The Evolution of Nuclear Strategy, p. 199.Google Scholar

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87. See Schelling, Thomas C., “What Went Wrong with Arms Control,” Foreign Affairs 65 (Winter 1985–1986), p. 223Google Scholar. Schelling had made the following statement in 1969: “Whatever the prospects for successful negotiations with the Soviet Union during the coming months and years, on the subject of strategic weapons, there could not be a greater contrast between the serious and businesslike prospects for realistic negotiations in 1969 and all the fantasy and pretense about ‘general and complete disarmament’ that characterized the beginning of our decade… We think differently now, partly because technological progress obliges us to but partly because we have been thinking and talking and writing and holding hearings and preparing budget justifications and negotiating with allies and enemies during this past decade.… [The] concern with vulnerability of retaliatory systems … became the primary criterion for the selection of a weapons system itself [and] it has become also the primary criterion for the design of an arms agreement between the United States and the USSR … The problem of ‘accidental war’ was recognized to be primarily one of information and decision rather than sheer mechanical accident, [and the] tradition of non-use, the somewhat self confirming expectations of non-use, grows stronger every year.” See testimony of Thomas Schelling, in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Strategy and Science: Toward a National Security Policy for the 1970s: Hearings Before the Subcommittee on National Security Policy and Scientific Developments, 91st Congress, 1st sess., 03 1969, pp. 123–24.Google Scholar

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89. According to Gray, “Contemporary arms-control theory was an invention of the strategic studies community in the period 1958–60.” See ibid., p. 72.

90. Firestone notes that the Committee of Principals was “a high-level interagency group designed to coordinate and ultimately ratify arms control policy. Founded in August 1958, the committee was initially composed of the secretary of state as chairman, the secretary of defense, the chairman of the AEC [Atomic Energy Commission], the director of the CIA [Central Intelligence Agency], and the president's special adviser on science and technology.” See Firestone, Bernard J., The Quest for Nuclear Stability: John F. Kennedy and the Soviet Union (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), p. 76.Google Scholar

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106. In Counsels of War, pp. 197–98Google Scholar, Herken quotes some of McNamara's concerns: “There is a kind of mad momentum intrinsic to the development of all nuclear weaponry.… If a system works-and works well-there is a strong pressure from all directions to procure and deploy the weapon out of all proportion to the prudent level required.” Herken points out that what McNamara termed “an action-reaction phenomenon” dominated and escalated the arms race.

107. In November 1964, the Soviets first paraded what appeared to be an ABM system. The system, called Galosh, “was believed to be composed of a network of radars and a two- or three-stage, solid-fueled interceptor missile designed for long-range, ex-atmospheric interception of incoming ICBM s.” See Yanarella, Ernst J., The Missile Defense Controversy: Strategy, Technolog, and Politics, 1955–1972 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1977), p. 118.Google Scholar

108. On the politics of ABM control up to 1972, see Yanarella, , The Missile Defense Controversy;Google ScholarAdams, Benson D., Ballistic Missile Defense (New York: American Elsevier, 1971)Google Scholar; Halperin, Morton, Bureaucratic Politics and Foreign Policy (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1974)Google Scholar; Newhouse, , Cold Down;Google ScholarSmith, Gerard, The Story of SALT, 2d ed. (New York: Pergamon-Brassey, 1989)Google Scholar; Kaplan, , Wizards ofArmageddon;Google Scholar and Herken, , Counsels of War.Google Scholar

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110. York, , Making Weapons, Talking Peace, pp. 222–23.Google Scholar

111. For a discussion of Wiesner and York's article, see Herken, , Counsels of War, p. 193Google Scholar. Herken notes that Paul Nitze called the article “outrageous, an incitement, an example of dirty pool.”

112. Sentinel was a light area missile defense system set to be deployed in fifteen sites in the continental United States, one site in Hawaii, and one in Alaska. The system consisted of various radars and either a Spartan missile or a Sprint missile, depending on the site. See Adams, , Ballistic Missile Defense, p. 177.Google Scholar

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119. According to Brenner, “Each testimony [before Congress] delineated the technical and political aspects of the issue while assiduously drawing the necessary distinctions between those questions amenable to scientific judgment and those requiring subjective estimates. By stipulating the logical connections between acceptance of ABM and its multiple consequences, these analyses heightened awareness of the issue's subtle interdependencies. They discredited the Administration's casual use of the syllogistic argument that in the past had relied successfully on faith (in the simple equation that more arms means more security) and fear (of Soviet aggression).” See Brenner, , “The Theorist as Actor,” pp. 115–16.Google Scholar

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123. The Soviet-American Disarmament Studies Group, referred to as the Doty group, started to meet in 1965 and met for ten years. The first conference of the Darmouth group took place in 1959. An official collaboration between the American and Soviet academies of sciences has taken place under the guidance of W. Panofsky and S. Sagdeev.

124. Clemens, Walter C. Jr, Can Russia Change? The USSR Confronts Global Interdependence (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990), p. 67.Google Scholar

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126. The Soviet views were cited by Allyn, Bruce J. in “Toward a Common Framework: Avoiding Inadvertent War and Crisis,” in Allison, Graham T. and Ury, William L. (with Bruce J. Allyn), eds., Windows of Opportunity: From Cold War to Peaceful Competition in US-Soviet Relations (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1989), p. 188.Google Scholar

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140. Payne, , The Soviet Union and SALT, p. 18.Google Scholar

141. Ibid., p. 7.

142. Arbatov, Georgi A. and Oltman, William, Soviet Viewpoint (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1981), p. 130.Google Scholar

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144. Payne, , The Soviet Union and SALT, pp. 46 and 59.Google Scholar

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146. Payne, , The Soviet Union and SALT, pp. 40–41, 47, and 76.Google Scholar

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148. Ibid., p. 66.

149. Other reasons that led the Soviet leaders to sign a Soviet–U.S. strategic arms control treaty included the following: they perceived that the Americans held a strong edge in the technological race; they realized that multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles (MIRV s) were entering into the strategic equation; they wanted to institutionalize parity with the United States and, if possible, improve their strategic situation in areas unrestricted by SALT; they wanted to project power; they wished to strengthen detente with the West; and they hoped that the resulting economic savings could be directed back to the civilian sector.

150. See Garthoff, Raymond L., “Mutual Deterrence and Strategic Arms Limitation in Soviet Policy,” International Security 2 (Summer 1978), p. 126;Google Scholar and Halperin, Morton, “The Decision to Deploy the ABM: Bureaucratic and Domestic Politics in the Johnson Administration,” World Politics 25 (10 1972), p. 95.Google Scholar

151. The faces refer to complementary and mutually reinforcing processes. They are ideal types, and “the distinction between ‘faces’ tends to break down at the margin.” See James, Scott C. and Lake, David A., “The Second Face of Hegemony: Britain's Repeal of the Corn Laws and the American Walker Tariff of 1846,” International Organization 43 (Winter 1989), p. 4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

152. Ibid.

153. Herken, , Counsels of War, p. 247.Google Scholar

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156. This awareness of the value of cooperation for national security was essential. According to Davis, “As the naive type of unsafeguarded arms control of the 1920's became clearly inappropriate to the problems of the next three decades, there developed a relatively harmless tradition in politics of paying it lip service, so as not to offend the gentler elements of public opinion, and of ignoring it in practice. This tradition of the white lie [was] carried over into the nuclear age. … For several critical years the habit of pretending to work for disarmament served to mask the fact that the political leadership of the United States did not want disarmament. More specifically, those in Washington who considered arms control undesirable or impractical clearly had the upper hand in the process of making and administering policy, with the help of others who thought the Russians would never sign anyway, or would sign and cheat.” See Davis, , “Recent Policy Making in the United States Government,” pp. 379–80.Google Scholar

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