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Transnational Relations as a Threat to the Democratic Process
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
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Transnational relations and other multional process seriously threaten democratic control of foreign policy, particularly in advanced industrial societies. The intermeshing of decisionmaking across national frontiers and the growing multinationalization of formerly domestic issues are inherently incompatible with the traditional framework of democratic control. The threat is all the more serious because it is sustained not by enemies of democracy but unknowingly by people who consider themselves to be acting within Western democratic traditions and because it results in part from the very forces of internationalism, interdependence, and economic advancement that have come to be regarded as indispensable. The consequences of these developments and the ongoing erosion of control over military and foreign policy, dramatically demonstrated by the debate on the Vietnam War, amount to a fundamental challenge to the democratic structure of Western societies. This essay analyzes the threat of transnational relations by reexamining the arguments for limited democratic control of foreign policy in light of recent structural changes in world politics and the consequences of transnational relations for the democratic process and its institutions. It concludes by indicating some approaches that could strengthen the democratic dimension which is being eroded.
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- Copyright © The IO Foundation 1971
References
1 This is a revised and shortened version of my essay,“Das internationale System der Gegenwart als Faktor der Beeinträchtigung demokratischer Aussenpolitik,” which appeared in Politische Vierteljahresschrijt, 1970 (Special Issue No. 2), pp. 340–358.Google Scholar
2 The terms “legislature” and “executive” are used in this essay in full awareness that they are problematic. They are related to the doctrine of separation of powers which, as elaborated later, is less and less valid under modern conditions, particularly in Europe. Nor are the terms “parliament” and “government” quite satisfactory in an essay that deals with democratic systems in general since the former does not apply to the United States and the latter has a different meaning in American and English usage.
3 Lippmann, Walter, Public Opinion (New York: Free Press, 1966), p. 172Google Scholar.
4 SeeKaiser, Karl, “Transnationale Politik: Zu einer Theorie der multinationalen Politik,” Politische Vierteljahresschrijt, 1969 (Special Issue No. 1), pp. 80–110Google Scholar. A revised English version will appear in International Organization, Autumn 1971 (Vol. 25, No. 4), forthcomingGoogle Scholar.
5 The relevance of transnational relations to the United Kingdom and West Germany has been examined in my essay,“Interdependence and Autonomy: Britain and the Federal Republic in their Multinational Environment,” in Britain and Germany: Changing Societies and the Future of Foreign Policy, ed. Kaiser, Karl and Morgan, Roger (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 17–40Google Scholar.
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8 Thus far attempts to strengthen the European Parliament, among them efforts to introduce direct election of European parliamentarians, have failed. Walter Hallstein's attempt to increase the parliament's budgetary prerogatives in 1965 resulted in the French boycott of the institution.
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10 For an informative survey of this debate see the section “Räte als politisches Ordnungsprinzip,” in Politische Vierteljahresschrijt, 1970 (Special Issue No. 2), pp. 53–152Google Scholar.
11 Etzioni, Amitai, The Active Society: A Theory of Societal and Political Processes (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 5.Google Scholar
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