1. The term “realism” is not capitalized here, although I agree with Keohane that a distinction is necessary between the school of thought termed realism by international relations scholars and the term as generally used: “Capitalization is used to indicate that Realism is a specific school, and that it would be possible to be a realist—-in the sense of examining reality as it really is-without subscribing to Realist assumptions.” See Keohane, Robert O., International Institutions and State Power (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1989), p. 68 n. 17Google Scholar.

2. This composite picture glosses over many secondary differences. Key texts include: Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Lexington, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979)Google Scholar; and Jervis, Robert, “Security Regimes,” in Krasner, Stephen, ed., International Regimes (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 173–94Google Scholar.

3. For overviews of many of the different liberal international theory arguments, see Baldwin, David, ed., Neoliberalism and Neorealism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Moravcsik, Andrew, “Liberalism and International Relations Theory,” working paper, Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., 1993Google Scholar.

4. This argument is now backed by extensive empirical evidence. See Doyle, Michael W., “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” part 1, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (Summer 1983), pp. 205–35Google Scholar, and part 2, Philosophy and Public Affairs 12 (Fall 1983), pp. 323–353Google Scholar; and Russett, Bruce, Grasping the Democratic Peace (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

5. On the definition of state, see Hexter, J. H., The Vision of Politics on the Eve of the Reformation (New York: Basic Books, 1973), p. 192Google Scholar: “Lo stato is not a matrix of values, a body politic: it is an instrument of exploitation, the instrument the prince uses to get what he wants.” For extended analysis, see Viroli, Maurizio, From Politics to Reason of State: The Acquisition and Transformation of the Language of Politics 1250–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. Works describing the European political order in this manner include Hinsley, F. H., Power and the Pursuit of Peace (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1963), pp. 107–119Google Scholar; and Gulick, Edward, Europe's Classical Balance of Power (New York: Norton, 1967), pp. 120–135Google Scholar.

7. Everdell comes close to my definition: “Republicanism is a kaleidoscope of institutions, all with the one purpose of preventing rule by one person. This seemingly simple objective has continually demanded the most bewilderingly complex of means.” See Everdell, William, The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans (New York: Free Press, 1983), p. 12Google Scholar.

8. For an account of this process, see Downing, Brian M., The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

9. For a classic synthesis, see Herz, John, International Politics in the Atomic Age (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), pp. 39–110Google Scholar.

10. Much confusion arises because both state and republic are used in a generic and synonymous sense and in more specific and opposing senses. For a useful sorting, see Onuf, Nicholas, “Civitas Maxima: Wolff, Vattel, and the Fate of Republicanism, American Journal of International Law 88 (04 1994), pp. 288–289CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. See Forsyth, Murray, Unions of States (Leicester, England: Leicester University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; and Elazar, Daniel, ed., Federalism as Grand Design (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1987)Google Scholar.

12. On the American Civil War as a second founding, James McPherson notes: “Before 1861 the two words ‘United States’ were generally used as a plural noun: ‘the United States’ are a republic. After 1865 the United States became a singular noun. The loose union of states became a nation,” emphasis original. “The Second American Revolution,” in Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. viiiGoogle Scholar.

13. Turner, Frederick Jackson, The Significance of Sections in American History (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1932), p. 316Google Scholar. See also Scott, James Brown, The United States of America: A Study in International Organization (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment, 1920)Google Scholar.

14. De Tocqueville saw “two governments, completely separate and almost independent… [and] twenty-four small sovereign nations, whose agglomeration constitutes the body of the Union.” See Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America vol. 2 (New York: Knopf, 1945), p. 61Google Scholar.See also Kelley, G. A., “Hegel's America,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 2 (Fall 1972), pp. 3–36Google Scholar.

15. See Stourzh, Gerald, Alexander Hamilton and the Idea of Republican Government (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1970)Google Scholar; and Hutson, J. H., John Adams and the Diplomacy of the American Revolution (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1980)Google Scholar.

16. Streit, for example, advanced “Atlantic Union” modeled on the U.S. founding, sought to dispel the “fog over sovereignty,” and attacked the “national sovereignty” of Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia. See Streit, Clarence, Union Now (New York: Harper and Row, 1940)Google Scholar; and Streit, Clarence, Freedom's Frontier: Atlantic Union Now (New York: Harper and Row, 1961)Google Scholar.

17. Morgenthau responded to this structural alternative with an argument about identity: the American founding was essentially an event in national history, exceptional in size but not in form. Subsequent idealist work, most notably by Karl Deutsch and associates, followed suit, focusing on identity and treating all American order after 1789 as “amalgamated” and thus otherwise undistinguished structurally from a federal state or, indeed, a totalitarian one. See Morgenthau, Hans, Politics Among Nations, 4th ed. (New York: Knopf, 1967), pp. 496–500Google Scholar; Calleo, David and Rowland, Benjamin, America and the World Political Economy: Atlantic Dreams and National Realities (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1973), pp. 16–84Google Scholar; and Deutsch, Karl et al. , Political Order in the North Atlantic Area (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 29 n. 7Google Scholar.

18. On states-union (Staatenbund) versus federal state (Bundestaat) and on the concept of a union composed of organs, see Emerson, Rupert, State and Sovereignty in Modern Germany (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1928), pp. 92–125Google Scholar; and Garner, James Wilford, Political Science and Government (New York: American Book Co., 1928), pp. 265–302Google Scholar, respectively. Madison's, James quotation is from Federalist Paper no. 51, found in Rossiter, Clinton, ed., The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961)Google Scholar. All Federalist documents are from this volume. Hereafter, they will be cited by document and page numbers only. See also Ostrum, Vincent, The Political Theory of a Compound Republic (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

19. For an overview of recent work on the founding period, see: Onuf, Peter S., “Reflections on the Founding: Constitutional Historiography in Bicentennial Perspective,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 46 (Summer 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20. See Greene, Jack P., Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Polities of the British Empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Onuf, Peter S., The Origins of the Federal Republic: Jurisdictional Controversies in the United States: 1775–1787 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983)Google Scholar.

21. Meinig, D. W., Atlantic America, 1492–1800 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Continental America, 1800–1867 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

22. In this article I treat Publius as one voice and as the authoritative understanding of the Constitution of 1787. For the emergence and components of the Constitution as “Grand Compromise,” see Anderson, Thornton, Creating the Constitution: The Convention of 1787 and the First Congress (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Rossiter, Clinton, 1787: The Grand Convention (New York: Norton, 1987)Google Scholar.

23. Dietze, Gottfried, The Federalist: A Classic on Federalism and Free Government, part 2, “The Federalist as a Treatise on Peace and Security” (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1960), pp. 177–254Google Scholar.

24. Montesquieu, Baron, Spirit of the Laws, book 11, sec. 6, trans. Nugent, Thomas (New York: Hafner, 1948), p. 151Google Scholar. For Montesquieu's authority, see Lutz, Donald, “The Relative Influence of European Writers in Late Eighteenth Century Political Thought,” American Political Science Review 78 (03 1984), pp. 89–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the place of security in liberalism more generally, see Sklar, Judith, “The Liberalism of Fear,” in Rosenbaum, Nancy, ed., Liberalism and the Moral Life (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 21–38Google Scholar.

25. For a recent restatement on the state apparatus as protector and predator, see Tilly, Charles, “War Making and State Making as Organized Crime,” in Evans, Peter B., Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Skocpol, Theda, eds., Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

26. Federalist, no. 51, p. 322.

27. Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, ed. Oakeshot, Michael (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1960), p. 75Google Scholar.

28. As Locke observed, anyone is “in much worse condition, who is exposed to the arbitrary power of a man, who has the command of 100,000, than he that is exposed to the arbitrary power of 100,000 single men.” See Locke, John, Second Treatise on Government, ed. Laslett, Peter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), p. 405Google Scholar.

29. Montesquieu, , Spirit of the Laws, p. 150Google Scholar.

30. Calhoun explains, “It is, indeed, the negative power which makes the constitution, and the positive which makes the government. The one is the power of acting, and the other the power of preventing or arresting action. The two, combined, make constitutional governments.” See Calhoun, John C., A Disquisition on Government (Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill, 1953), p. 28Google Scholar.

31. Federalist, no. 46, p. 294. See also Monroe, James, The People the Sovereigns (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1867)Google Scholar.

32. For discussions of sovereignty, see Hinsley, F. H., Sovereignty, 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; James, Alan, Sovereign Statehood (London: Allen and Unwin, 1986)Google Scholar; Krasner, Stephen, “Sovereignty: An Institutional Perspective,” Comparative Political Studies 21 (04 1988), pp. 66–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Onuf, Nicholas, “Sovereignty: Outline of a Conceptual History,” Alternatives, vol. 16, no. 4, 1991, pp. 425–446CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Walker, R. B. J. and Mendlovitz, Saul, eds., Contending Sovereignties (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Reinner, 1990)Google Scholar.

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34. See, for example, Arendt, Hannah, On Revolution (New York: Viking, 1965), p. 152Google Scholar: “The great and, in the long run, perhaps the greatest American innovation in politics as such was the consistent abolition of sovereignty within the body politic of the republic, the insight that in the realm of human affairs sovereignty and tyranny are the same.”

35. Hobbes makes this error when he argues, “There cannot be a mixed state.” See Hobbes, Thomas, De Cive, ed. Gert, Bernard (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972), p. 191Google Scholar.

36. Leading theorists of the real-state, most notably Jean Bodin and Hobbes, insist that sovereignty should reside within the state apparatus or in the head of state. They view the location of sovereignty in a body made up of many individuals rather than one or a few as inimical to maintaining practical political order. The division of sovereignty is a conceptual impossibility; its location in the people is possible in principle but is undesirable in practice. See Bodin, Jean, The Six Books of the Commonwealth, trans. Tooley, M.J. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967)Google Scholar.

37. Montesquieu and David Hume argue that such regimes differ from real-states and despotisms because they have been tamed by the incorporation of the most important power control devices borrowed from republics. See Hume, David, “On the Rise and Progress of Arts and Sciences,” Political Essays, ed. Haakanssen, Knud (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

38. On the emergence of popular sovereignty, see Morgan, Edmund S., Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America (New York: Norton, 1988)Google Scholar; Bailyn, Bernard, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 198–229Google Scholar; and Kammen, Michael, “Rethinking the ‘Fountain of Power’: Changing Perceptions of Popular Sovereignty, 1764–1788,” Sovereignty and Liberty (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 11–32Google Scholar.

39. A compound republic serving an extended recessed public is distinct from a majoritarian democracy because its architecture of vetoes protects minorities by requiring a concurrent majority. For discussions, see Ostrum, , The Political Theory of a Compound Republic, pp. 12 and 23Google Scholar; Eidelberg, Paul, The Philosophy of the American Constitution (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 21Google Scholar; and II, William F. Harris, The Interpretable Constitution (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993)Google Scholar. In the years leading up to the Civil War the Publius synthesis was challenged by Calhoun, who held that the peoples of the states retained sovereignty, and by Daniel Webster and other nationalists, who held that the sovereign of the union was a national democratic majority. For concise overviews, see Forsyth, , Unions of States, pp. 112–32Google Scholar; and Stamp, Kenneth M., “The Concept of a Perpetual Union,” Journal of American History 65 (06 1978), pp. 5–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40. The rebellion of debtors in western Massachusetts led by retired officer Daniel Shays, which the Massachusetts militia refused to suppress, galvanized support for a stronger Union government. For pervasive fears of anarchy, see Onuf, Peter, “Anarchy and the Crisis of the Union,” in Beltz, Herman, Hoffman, Ronald, and Albert, Peter J., eds., To Form a More Perfect Union (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

41. Federalist, no. 9, pp. 73 and 71, respectively.

42. Slaughter, Thomas P., The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

43. Federalist, no. 6, p. 54. For fears of interstate American wars, see Onuf, The Origins of the Federal Republic.

44. See Main, Jackson Turner, “The American States in the Revolutionary Era,” in Hoffman, Ronald and Albert, Peter J., eds., Arms and Independence: The Military Character of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1981), pp. 1–30Google Scholar; and Jensen, Merrill, The Articles of Confederation (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1940)Google Scholar.

45. Federalist, no. 8, p. 67.

46. See Cress, Lawrence Delbert, Citizens in Arms: The Army and Militia in American Society to the War of 1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), pp. 94–110Google Scholar; Kohn, Richard H., Eagle and Sword: The Federalists and the Creation of the Military Establishment in America, 1783–1802 (New York: Free Press, 1975), pp. 40–90Google Scholar; and Riker, William, Soldiers of the States: The Role of the National Guard in American Democracy (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Institute, 1957)Google Scholar.

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48. Thought was given at the Constitutional Convention to emulating the Roman model of a dual executive, the two simultaneously serving consuls, but the necessity of unitary command of the military forces in the field, demonstrated so memorably at Cannae, convinced them to construct a unitary commander-in-chief of the armed forces. See Federalist, no. 70, pp. 423–31.

49. On American attitudes toward and uses of Vattelian international law, see Lang, Daniel, Foreign Policy in the Early Republic: The Law of Nations and the Balance of Power (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; and Onuf, Peter and Onuf, Nicholas, Federal Union, Modern World: The Law of Nations in an Age of Revolutions, 1776–1814 (Madison, Wis.: Madison House, 1993)Google Scholar.

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51. Storing, Herbert, What the Antifederalists Were For (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52. As Henken observed: “Every grant to the President … relating to foreign affairs, was in effect a derogation from Congressional power, eked out slowly, reluctantly, and not without limitations and safeguards.” See Henken, Louis, Foreign Affairs and the Constitution (New York: Norton, 1975), p. 33Google Scholar.

53. Wormuth, Francis D. and Firmage, Edwin B., To Chain the Dog of War: The War Power of Congress in History and Law (Dallas, Tex.: Southern Methodist University Press, 1986)Google Scholar.

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55. See Schwoerer, Lois G., “No Standing Armies!” The Antiarmy Ideology in Seventeenth Century England (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974)Google Scholar; Malcolm, Joyce Lee, To Keep and Bear Arms: The Origins of an Anglo-American Right (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Halbrook, Stephen P., That Every Man Be Armed: the Evolution of a Constitutional Right (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

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69. Although unelected to Parliament, Franklin spoke directly to Parliament, and his intervention was widely credited with resolving the political crisis caused by the First Stamp Act. Since Franklin also served as organizer of the abortive Albany Plan of Union in 1754 and the Constitutional Convention of 1787, a careful examination of how he was able to say what to whom would provide a revealing picture of the nature of diplomatic, representational, and constitutional discourse and practice. A comparison between the multiple-access lobbying of the agency system and the Europeans and Japanese in Washington over the last generation would be revealing. See Morgam, Edmund S. and Morgam, Helen M., The Stamp Act Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953)Google Scholar.

70. Interstate rendition and extradition was made possible by interstate treaties and compacts, which are remarkably similar to those that sovereign nation-states have employed in recent years to fight criminal activity occurring across international borders. See Moore, John Bassett, A Treatise on Interstate Extradition and Rendition (Boston: Boston Book Company, 1891)Google Scholar; and Nadelmann, Ethan, Cops Across Borders: The Internationalization of U.S. Criminal Law Enforcement (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

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72. The recent liberal emphasis upon microfoundations has led to the neglect of structural liberalism: “In contrast to Marxism and realism Liberalism is not committed to ambitious and parsimonious structural theory.” See Keohane, Robert O., “International Liberalism Reconsidered,” in Dunn, John, ed., The Economic Limits to Modem Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 165–94 and pp. 172–73Google Scholar.

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