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Method and Objectivity in Free Speech Adjudication: Lessons from America
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 January 2008
Abstract
Following a dispute with his black neighbour, a white man in Virginia erects and ignites a crude home-made cross on the neighbouřs lawn. The white man is convicted under a law prohibiting intimidation by use of a burning cross.
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- Copyright © British Institute of International and Comparative Law 2005
References
1 Virginia v Black, Elliott and O'Mara and Elliott 123 SCt 1536 (2003) and R v British Broadcasting Corporation, ex parte ProLife Alliance [2004] 1 AC 185. The Supreme Court gave judgment in Black on 7 Apr 2003; the House of Lords decided the ProLife Alliance appeal on 10 Apr 2003 and gave their reasons the following month.Google Scholar
2 Kagan describes the distinction as ‘the keystone of First Amendment law’ (Kagan, E ‘Private Speech, Public Purpose: The Role of Governmental Motive in First Amendment Doctrine’ (1996) 63 U Chi L Rev 413, 443);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Stone regards it as ‘perhaps the most intriguing feature of contemporary first amendment doctrine’ (Stone, GR ‘Content Regulation and the First Amendment’ (1983) 25 Wm & Mary L Rev 189, 189).Google Scholar The history of content-based method is traced in Stephen, PB ‘The First Amendment and Content Discrimination’ (1982) 68 Virginia L Rev 203, 214–31.Google Scholar
3 The First Amendment itself (in relevant part) reads: ‘Congress shall make no law…abridging the freedom of speech’ (1791).Google Scholar
4 Gitlow v New York 268 US 652 (1925).Google Scholar
5 Rust v Sullivan 500 US 173 (1991) (upholding a decision which prohibited federally funded healthcare projects from advocating abortion as a form of family planning).Google Scholar
6 Hague v CIO 307 US 496 515 (1936), per Roberts, J.Google Scholar
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8 New York Times v Sullivan 376 US 254 (1964) (political expression); Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc 425 US 748 (1976) (commercial speech); and Young v American Mini Theatres, Inc 427 US 50, 64–5 (1976) (pornography).Google Scholar
9 Rosenbergerv Rector and Visitors of University of Virginia 515 US 819, 829 (1995), Burson v Freeman 504 US 191, 197 (1992), and Boos v Barry 485 US 312, 319 (1988) respectively.Google Scholar
10 The terms content and subject-matter neutrality are used interchangeably in the cases: see Perry Education Association v Perry Local Educators' Association 460 US 37, 59 (1983), per Brennan J (dissenting on the merits). Weinstein defines content-based laws as ‘ones in which the government seeks to regulate expression because of the message it conveys’Google Scholar(Weinstein, JHate Speech, Pornography, and the Radical Attack on Free Speech Doctrine (Westview Press Boulder, CO 1999) 35).Google Scholar
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12 ibid 648, per White J.
13 Widmar v Vincent 454 US 263 (1981).Google ScholarCf Kennedy, J in Simon & Schuster, Inc v Members of New York State Crime Victims Board 502 US 105 (1991) and Burson v Freeman (n 9)211–14.Google Scholar
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18 In contrast, content-based (but viewpoint-neutral) restrictions on speech have been upheld from time to time by the Court. Examples include Burson v Freeman (n 9).Google ScholarSee Farber, DA ‘Content Regulation and the First Amendment: A Revisionist View’ (1980) 68 Geo LJ 727.Google Scholar
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30 Sullivan, and Gunther, suggest that it is easier to mobilize political opposition to a more general law (which will by definition affect more people) than to a law directed at a particular subject-matterGoogle Scholar(Sullivan, KM and Gunther, GFirst Amendment Law (Foundation Press New York 1999) at 200).Google Scholar
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41 In Texas v Johnson (n 20), Kennedy J. stated in concurrence: ‘The hard fact is that sometimes we must make decisions we do not like. We make them because they are right, right in the sense that the law and the Constitution, as we see them, compel the result’ (420–1). Bollinger has argued that certain of the judges who decided the Skokie controversy (permitting pro-Nazis to march in a predominantly Jewish area—Collin v Smith 578 F 2d 1197 (1978, 7th Cir)) were unhappy with the result that First Amendment doctrine compelled them to reach (Bollinger, LThe Tolerant Society: Freedom of Speech and Extremist Speech in America (OUP Oxford 1986)). Some applications of the principle of viewpoint-neutrality have proved extremely controversial. For the reaction to the Court's flag-burning cases, including a proposed constitutional amendment to permit the criminalization of flag-burning,Google Scholarsee Stone, GR ‘Flag Burning and the Constitution’ (1989) 75 Iowa L Rev 111Google Scholarand Michelman, F ‘Saving Old Glory: On Constitutional Iconography’ (1990) 42 Stan L Rev 1337.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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44 Chaplinsky v New Hampshire 315 US 568, 571–2 (1942), per Murphy, J. It should be added that the Court has limited the scope of these exceptions: Roth v United States 354 US 476 (1957) and Miller v California 413 US 15 (1973) (on obscenity); Cohen (n 16) (on the profane); Sullivan (n 8) (on libel), and RAV v City of St Paul, Minnesota 505 US 377 (1992) (on fighting words). For a sceptical account of the usefulness of a categorical approach to free speech adjudication,Google Scholarsee Hare, I ‘Is the Privileged Position of Political Speech Justified?’ in Beatson, J and Cripps, YFreedom of Expression and Freedom of Information (OUP Oxford 2001).Google Scholar
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47 Kennedy, J has referred to these ‘historic and traditional categories long familiar to the bar’(Simon & Schuster (n 14) 127).Google Scholar
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51 458 US 747 (1982).Google Scholar
52 Although some examples of child pornography might also fulfil the legal definition of obscenity, the Court held that child pornography was proscribable even if it failed to satisfy three of the elements of the test of obscenity identified in Miller (n 44).Google Scholar
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55 ibid 794–6, per Scalia J (dissenting, joined by Kennedy J and Thomas J).
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59 Ward v Rock Against Racism (quoting Clark v Community for Creative Non-Violence) (n 15).Google Scholar
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70 ‘Viewpoint discrimination is so clearly the cardinal First Amendment sin that legislatures now will take pains not to be caught at it’ (Sullivan, KM ‘Discrimination, Distribution and Free Speech’ (1995) 37 Ariz L Rev 439, 446).Google Scholar
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73 The amendment was passed in 1965 at a time when the destruction of draft cards to indicate opposition to the Vietnam War was growing and supplemented a previous law which already outlawed non-possession of the card. If this was already an offence, it is difficult to see what purpose (beyond criminalizing the symbolic act of destruction) was served by the amendment.Google Scholar
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75 The Court used a number of expressions to describe the governmental interests involved which demonstrated that the existence of the draft card was facilitative, rather than indispensable, to the operation of the system (n 72) 378–80, per Warren, CJ.Google ScholarSee Velvel, LR ‘Freedom of Speech and Draft Card Burning Cases’ (1968) U Kan L Rev 149, 163–6.Google Scholar
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80 ‘[T]he prohibition here is content based: those who wish to speak for purposes other than protest, counsel, or education may do so at close range without the listener's consent, while those who wish to speak for other purposes may not’ ibid 746, per Scalia J (dissenting, joined by Thomas J).
81 See (n 78) 721, per Stevens, J.Google Scholar
82 Kennedy, J described it as ‘one of the most basic moral and political issues in all of contemporary discourse, a question touching profound ideas in philosophy and theology’ (n 79) 768.Google Scholar
83 The dispute is similar to that between Kennedy, J and Brennan, J in Kokinda v United States 497 US 720,739, 753 (1990) in which the Court upheld a prohibition on soliciting contributions by the entrance to a post office.Google Scholar
84 Weinstein, notes that between 1977 and 1993 there were more than 1,000 acts of violence against abortion service providers, including 36 bombings, 84 assaults, 131 death threats, 81 cases of arson, two kidnappings, 327 clinic invasions and one murder ‘Free Speech’ (n 78).Google Scholar
85 Even the majority accepted that the legislative history made it clear that the enactment was primarily motivated by activities in the vicinity of abortion clinics. See (n 78) 715, per Stevens, J.Kennedy, J, makes a similar point in dissent at 767.Google Scholar
86 Eg Justices Scalia, and Thomas, have made clear their opposition to the Supreme Court's famous abortion ruling in Roe v Wade 410 US 113 (1973).Google Scholar
87 487 US 474 (1988). The ordinance made it ‘unlawful for any person to engage in picketing before or about the residence or dwelling of any individual’.Google Scholar
88 ‘Restrictions based on the “status” of a speaker, although often upheld, bear a troublesome correlation with viewpoint’ (Tribe American Constitutional Law (n 33) 803). See Williams, SH ‘Content Discrimination and the First Amendment’ (n 77).Google Scholar
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92 ibid 272.
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95 See (n 8). The earlier decision in Paris Adult Theatre I v Slaton 413 US 49 (1973) was clearly relevant, but concerned speech identified as obscene and therefore failing outside of First Amendment protection.Google Scholar
96 An adult film theatre was defined as one used to present ‘material distinguished or characterised by an emphasis on matter depicting…“Specified Sexual Activities” or ’Specified Anatomical Areas”.’ The other regulated uses included adult book shopshops, cabarets, bars, taxi dance halls, and hotels.Google Scholar
97 475 US 41 (1986). In Renton the ordinance applied only to adult film theatres and simply prohibited them to encroach within 1,000 feet of any family dwelling, church, park, or school.Google Scholar
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99 ‘Renton's zoning ordinance selectively imposes limitations on the location of a movie theater based exclusively on the content of the films shown there’ Renton (n 97) 55, per Brennan J (dissenting, joined by Marshall J). The dissents also questioned whether the ordinances were really viewpoint-neutral since the films shown were almost certain to favour more, rather than less, relaxed sexual mores (ibid 56 n 1, citing Stone (n 2)).
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101 See (n 9). On the merits, this argument was rejected on the basis that the impact of speech on its intended audience could not be regarded as the kind of secondary effect referred to in Renton.Google Scholar
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103 529 US 277 (2000). See Rumney, P ‘City of Erie at al v Pap's AM, tdba “Kandyland”: Low-Value Speech and the First Amendment’ [2001] PL 158 and Cram ‘Beyond Madison?’ (n 53).Google Scholar
104 Scalia, J (in a concurring opinion joined by Thomas, J) appeared to accept this: ‘I am highly skeptical, to tell the truth, that the addition of pasties and G-strings will at all reduce the tendency of establishments such as Kandyland to attract crime and prostitution, and hence to foster sexually transmitted disease’ (n 103) 310.Google Scholar
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113 ibid 429, per Rehnquist CJ (dissent, joined by White J and O'Connor J). Stevens J also filed a dissenting opinion on the basis that he did not regard the statute as viewpoint-based.
114 The minority's hostility to Johnson's form of expression is evident from the following statement. ‘Surely one of the high purposes of a democratic society is to legislate against conduct that is regarded as evil and profoundly offensive to the majority of people—whether it be murder, embezzlement, pollution, or flag burning’ per Rehnquist, CJ 435.Google Scholar
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116 The State Supreme Court had confined the statute to ‘fighting words’. However, the majority held that the provision was impermissibly content-based since it singled out only certain kinds of fighting words. The minority held it to be unconstitutionally overbroad since it criminalized expressive conduct which induced only hurt feelings, offence, or resentment.Google Scholar
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118 ibid 435. A point supported by Greenawalt ‘Although the ordinance could sometimes result in viewpoint discrimination, that is far from its main thrust’ (Greenawalt, KFighting Words-Individuals, Communities, and Liberties of Speech (Princeton University Press Princeton 1995) 57).Google Scholar
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123 Black, Elliott and O'Mara v Commonwealth of Virginia 553 SE 2d 738 (2001).Google Scholar
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162 Tribe, American Constitutional Law (n 33) ch 18.Google Scholar
163 From this perspective, the fact that some judges may be unhappy with the outcomes which the rigours of content-based method require them to reach, may be regarded as an advantage and a demonstration of the power of the doctrine. Feldman cites Bollinger for the proposition, referred to above, that certain of the judges who decided the Skokie controversy were unhappy with the result (see n 41).Google Scholar
164 Eg the oft-cited judgments of Holmes, J in Abrams v US 250 US 616 (1919) and of Brandeis, J in Whitney v California 274 US 357 (1927).Google Scholar
165 Buckley v Valeo 424 US 1 (1976) and First National Bank of Boston v Bellotti (n 99), criticized in Ingber ‘The Marketplace of Ideas: A Legitimizing Myth“ (1984) LJ Duke 1Google Scholarand Sunstein, CRDemocracy and the Problem of Free Speech (Free Press New York 1993). See now the Court's recent decision in McConnell v Federal Election Commission 540 US_(2003).Google Scholar
166 Feldman, repeatedly refers to the marketplace of ideas in his account: eg 140,142,147,148,150, 155, and 169.Google Scholar
167 One passage suggests that Feldman is aware of this: ‘[R]eal contextual flexibility may make it impossible to formulate rules for the constitutionality of interferences with speech’ (n 157) 154. Weinstein, ‘Free Speech’ (n 78) 473. Some English judges have also warned of the dangers of discretionary balancing in free speech disputes (R v Central Independent Television Plc [1994] Fam 192, 202, per Hoffmann LJ).Google Scholar
168 Most US free speech doctrine dates from the last three-quarters of the twentieth century. For earlier developments, see Rabban, DMFree Speech in its Forgotten Years (CUP Cambridge 1997).Google Scholar
169 Weinstein, ‘An American's View of the Canadian Hate Speech Decisions’ in Waluchow, WJ (ed) Free Expression: Essays in Law and Philosophy (Clarendon Press Oxford 1994).Google Scholar
170 ‘[w]nere messages are proscribed because they are dangerous, balancing tests inevitably become intertwined with the ideological predispositions of those doing the balancing—or if not that, at least with the relative confidence or paranoia of the age in which they are doing it…’ (Ely ‘Flag Desecration’ (n 19) 1501).Google Scholar
171 This includes the otherwise unsatisfactory decision in Verein Vgt (n 136). Although the ban on political advertising was facially viewpoint-neutral, its effect was to prevent those who opposed the consumption of intensively reared meat from expressing their views while permitting those in the meat industry to promote their products through commercial advertising.Google Scholar
172 Simon Brown, LJ gave examples in which these same broadcasters had defended before regulatory bodies their decisions to broadcast graphic depictions of the victims of terrorist bombings or of animals being killed for sport (n 151) para 61).Google Scholar
173 R (Farrakhan) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2002] QB 1391.Google Scholar
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