1. Kilpatrick, William, et al., The Educational Frontier (New York, 1933), p. 8.Google Scholar

2. See Flint Kellogg, Charles, NAACP: A History of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1, 1909–1920 (Baltimore, 1967): 20.Google Scholar

3. There is little literature on this topic. For an examination of Dewey's early views see Christopher Eisele, J., “John Dewey and the Immigrants,” History of Education Quarterly, 15 (Spring 1975): 67–85.Google Scholar

4. See John, and Dewey, Eveyln, Schools of Tomorrow (New York, 1962). In January, 1971, The Crisis quoted William Wirt, the Superintendent of the Gary schools, as saying that “the colored children in the public schools of Gary, Indiana, have been segregated from the very beginning. It is a settled policy in this community to continue this segregation.” The Crisis, 13 (January 1917): 121. See also Mold, Raymond A., “Socialization and Americanization in the Gary Public Schools, 1906–1938,” a paper presented to the American Historical Association (Chicago, 1974).Google Scholar

5. Dewey, John, Conditions Among the Poles of the United States (Confidential Report) (1918). See also Feinberg, Walter, “Progressive Education and Social Planning,” Teachers College Record, 73 (May 1972): 485–505, and the following in the History of Education Quarterly, 15 (Spring 1975); Bourke, Paul F., “Philosophy and Social Criticism: John Dewey 1910–1920,” 3–16; Zerby, Charles L., “John Dewey and the Polish Question: A Response to the Revisionist Historians,” 17–30; Lawson, Alan. “John Dewey and the Hope for Reform,” 31–66; and Eisele.Google Scholar

6. Dewey, John, “Racial Prejudice and Friction,” The Chinese Social and Political Science Review (1922): 1–17.Google Scholar

7. Dewey, John, “The Need for a Philosophy of Education,” in Malherve, E. G. (editor), Educational Adaptations in a Changing Society: Report of the South African Education Conference Held in Capetown and Johannesburg in July, 1934, Under the Auspices of the New Educational Fellowship (Capetown and Johannesburg, 1937), pp. 27–28. See also “South African Conference,” Institute of International Education, News Bulletin, 10 (December 1934): 8–9.Google Scholar

8. “Dewey Urges Negroes to Join New Party,” The New York Times (May 20, 1932), 2. See Bordeau, Edward J., “John Dewey's Ideas about the Great Depression,” The Journal of the History of Ideas, 30 (January-March 1971): 67–84, for the extent to which Dewey committed himself to specific social and political goals in the 1930s. For a history of the NAACP in the 1930s see Raymond Wolters, Negroes and the Great Depression: The Problem of Economic Recovery (Westport, 1970). For older discussions which suggest that Dewey was unspecific and vague on matters political see White, Morton, Social Thought in America (Boston, 1957), p. 201, and Itzkoff, Seymour, Cultural Pluralism in American Education (Scranton, 1969), pp. 59–60.Google Scholar

9. Counts, George S., School and Society in Chicago (New York, 1928). See also Counts, George S., The Selective Character of American Secondary Education (Chicago, 1922), pp. 122–123; Crosley Chapman, J. and Counts, George S., Principles of Education (Chicago, 1924), pp. 179–180; and Counts, George S., The Social Composition of Boards of Education: A Study in the Social Control of Public Education (Chicago, 1927).Google Scholar

10. Counts, George S., The American Road to Culture: A Social Interpretation of Education in the United States (New York, 1930), pp. 82–83, 116.Google Scholar

11. Counts, George S., “Dare We Be Progressive?” Progressive Education, 9 (April 1932): 258–259.Google Scholar

12. This question is discussed at length by Urban, Wayne J. See “The Dimensions of an Ideological Liberalism: George Counts and the Communists,” (Unpublished manuscript, c.a. 1974). It is linked to Counts' view of race and ethnic relations in Goodenow, Ronald K. and Urban, Wayne J., “George S. Counts (1889–1974): A Critical Appreciation” (unpublished manuscript, 1975). Copies of these papers are available from the authors.Google Scholar

13. Counts, George S., The Prospects of American Democracy (New York, 1938), p. 241.Google Scholar

14. Dewey, John, The Public and Its Problems (Denver, 1927), pp. 124–125.Google Scholar

15. Dewey, John, Liberalism and Social Action (New York, 1963), p. 48.Google Scholar

16. Dewey, John, Freedom and Culture (New York, 1963), pp. 127–128.Google Scholar

17. Dewey, John, “Creative Democracy—the Task Before Us,” in John Dewey and the Promise of America (Progressive Education Association Booklet Number 14, Proceedings of the 1939 National John Dewey Conference of the Progressive Education Association) (Columbus, 1939), 15. Dewey's message to the meeting of 1,000 was read by Horace Kallen. The New York Times (October 21, 1939), 19, emphasized Dewey's discussion of tolerance. See also “Democracy Ailing, Dr. Dewey Asserts,” The New York Times (October 25, 1938), 7.Google Scholar

18. Ibid., 13.Google Scholar

19. Dewey, John, Art As Experience (New York, 1958), p. 334.Google Scholar

20. See Heard Kilpatrick, William, Our Educational Task As Illustrated in the Changing South (Chapel Hill, 1930).Google Scholar

21. For discussions of the work of the Commission see Dykeman, Wilma and Stokely, James, Seeds of Southern Change: The Life of Will Alexander (Chicago, 1962); Tindall, George B., The Emergence of the New South 1913–1945 (Baton Rouge, 1967), pp. 175–83; and Flud Burrows, Edward, “The Commission on Interracial Cooperation: A Case Study in the History of the Interracial Movement in the South,” Ph.D. dissertation (University of Wisconsin, 1955).Google Scholar

22. Heard Kilpatrick, William, “Resort to Courts by Negroes to Improve Their Schools a Conditional Alternative,” The Journal of Negro Education 4 (July 1935): 412–418. For a further expression of his views on education see William Kilpatrick, foreward to Gallager, Buell, American Caste and the Negro College (New York, 1938), pp. vii–14, 1974) for a detailed discussion of Southern progressive education.Google Scholar

23. See Heard Kilpatrick, William, “Education and Intolerance,” The Social Frontier, 5 (May 1939): 230–231; Heard Kilpatrick, William, “The Problem of Minorities, an Editorial,” Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (April 15, 1940); Heard Kilpatrick, William, “Through the Looking Glass,” Intercultural Education News, 2 (October 1910): 1; and the following in Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (April 15, 1940): Mead, Margaret, “The Student of Race Problems Can Say…”: 200–202; Pratt Fairchild, Henry, “Who is American?”: 203–205; Cole, Stewart G., “The Meaning of the Term: Minorities”: 205; Horowitz, Eugene, “The Social Roots of Prejudice”: 206–208; Alain Locke, “With Science as His Shield the Educator Must Bridge Our ‘Great Divides’”: 208–210; and Seamans, Herbert L., “Schools and Jews”: 211–213; See also Benedict, Ruth, “Differences vs. Superiorities,” Frontiers of Democracy, 9 (December 15, 1942): 81–82; Olsen, Edward G., “Perspective in Race Relations,” The Social Frontier, 1 (November 1934): 29; Brameld, Theodore, “Karl Marx and the American Teacher,” The Social Frontier, 2 (November 1935): 56; Boyden, H. J., “Which America?” The Social Frontier: 4 (May 1938), 268; and Mitchell, Broadus, “Excluded Because of Color,” letter to Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (March 1940): 191.Google Scholar

24. Rugg, Harold, America and Her Immigrants (n.d. 1922) and Rugg, Harold, An Introduction to Problems of American Culture (Boston), p. 561.Google Scholar

25. See “Education and National Unity,” Intercultural Education News 2 (January 1941): 3.Google Scholar

26. Rugg, Harold, “Creative America: Can She Begin Again?” Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (October 1939): 9. See also Clapp, Gordon R., “The Program of the Tennessee Valley Authority,” Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (November 15, 1939): 48–55, 61; Gant, George F. and Thorsten Lund, S. E., “Education and Regional Growth in the Tennessee Valley,” 6 (November 15, 1939): 49–51; and Soule, George, “The National Resources Planning Board,” Frontiers of Democracy, 6 (March 15, 1940): 168–170.Google Scholar

27. See especially Rugg, Harold, The Teacher of Teachers: Frontiers of Theory and Practice in Teacher Education (New York, 1952), p. 78.Google Scholar

28. See Daniel, Walter G., “Negro Welfare and Mabel Carney at Teachers College, Columbia University,” The Journal of Negro Education, 11 (October 1942): 560–562; and “Trends and Events of National Importance in Negro Education,” The Journal of Negro Education, 7 (January 1938): 92–93.Google Scholar

29. See Gallagher, Buell G., American Caste and the Negro College; plus footnote 65 below.Google Scholar

30. See “Report of the Executive Secretary,” (1936), 2, Progressive Education Association Mss., University of Illinois.Google Scholar

31. There were too many articles published to provide a complete citation. For representative pieces see the March, 1935 issue.Google Scholar

32. Citron, Abraham, Reynolds, Collins J. and Taylor, Sarah W., “Ten Years of Intercultural Education in Educational Magazines,” Harvard Educational Review, 15 (March 1945): 129–133. For valuable insights into the development of intercultural education in the 1930s see Grossman, Mordecai, “The Schools Fight Prejudice, An Appraisal of the Intercultural Education Movement,” Commentary, 1 (March 1946): 34–42; “Brief Report of Specific Organizations and Their Programs,” Harvard Educational Review, 15 (March 1945): 134–146; Feinberg, , “Progressive Education and Social Planning”; and Brameld, Theodore, Minority Problems in the Public Schools: A Study of Administrative Policies and Practices in Seven School Systems (New York, 1946). On the influence of urban unrest see Thurston, Eve, “Ethiopia Unshackled: A Brief History of the Education of Negro Children in New York City,” Bulletin of the New York Public Library, 69 (April 1965): 227–230. For a general overview of the relationship between the progressive education movement and intercultural education in the 1930s, see also Goodenow, Ronald K., “The Progressive Educator and Racial Tolerance: Intercultural Education, 1930–1941,” a paper presented to Division F of the American Educational Research Association (April 1975). The author has benefited from the insights of Nicholas Montalto on intercultural education.Google Scholar

33. For an overview of its literature see Graham, , Progressive Education …, op. cit., 138–139. Its activities and philosophy are summed up in Keliher, Alice V., “The Commission on Human Relations: Its Work and Relation to the Defense of Democracy,” Progressive Education, 17 (November 1940): 487–504.Google Scholar

34. Davis-DuBois was a “young militant” in the NAACP who supported black economic separatism in the early 1930s. See Wolters, , Negroes and the Great Depression …, pp. 310–311, 313, 318. Her NAACP interests went unmentioned in Davis-DuBois' intercultural education publications. For information on the early work of Davis-DuBois see Rachel Davis-DuBois, A School and Community Project in Developing Sympathetic Attitudes Toward Other Races and Nations (New York, 1934); Davis-DuBois, Rachel, “The New Frontier,” Opportunity, 12 (February 1934): 40–41; and Davis-DuBois, Rachel, “Practical Problems of International and Interracial Education,” The Clearing House, 8 (April 1936): 486–490. For an extensive review of the work of the Service Bureau see the “Report of the Committee for Evaluation of the Work of the Service Bureau for Intercultural Education” prepared by a Committee appointed by the General Education Board. This report is on file at The Rockefeller Foundation Archives in New York City. Genivieve Chase served as Director of Research. Committee members included Otto Klineberg, Hugh Hartshorne, E. Franklin Frazier, Willian G. Carr, Harry Stack Sullivan and Leonard W. Doob.Google Scholar

35. See, for example, Davis-DuBois, Rachel, “Intercultural Education at Benjamin Franklin H.S.,” High Points in the Work of the High Schools of New York City, 19 (December 1937): 23–29; Fine, Benjamin, “Schools to Open Intolerance Drive,” The New York Times (January 16, 1939), Section II, 3; and “Courses in Intercultural Education Given by Service Bureau Staff,” Intercultural Education News, 1 (September 20, 1939): 3. Local 5, the New York Teachers Union eventually purged from the American Federation of Teachers showed strong interest in race and ethnicity. It is evident that its membership included a substantial black representation. Its publications addressed racism and intolerance within the context of the historical job ceiling which faced blacks as well as specific depression conditions. It generally applauded the efforts of the PEA and Service Bureau. See, for example, Lewis, Celia, “Schools for Tolerance I,” The New York Teacher, 4 (December 1938): 10–11; and Milstein, Marion and Mayer, Jenny L., “Schools for Tolerance II,” The New York Teacher, 4 (January 1939): 10–11.Google Scholar

36. See “Report of the Committee ….”Google Scholar

37. For valuable research on the recollections of various progressives, including Kilpatrick, Stewart Cole, H. H. Giles and Helen and Frank Trager, who assumed power in the Service Bureau in the late 1930s, see the series of interviews conducted by Olive Hall of the Boston Univerity Human Relations Center c.a. 1958. The original manuscripts are on file at the Boston University Human Relations Center. The author wishes to acknowledge the generous assistance of Walter Feinberg of the University of Illinois in obtaining this material. One particularly helpful document in this collection is Stewart Cole, “The History of the Bureau of Intercultural Education,” an unpublished manuscript made from tape recordings of an interview by Hall.Google Scholar

38. See Cole, “The History of the Bureau …,” op. cit. Google Scholar

39. Brameld, Minority Problems …, op. cit., passim. Yavner, Louis, Administration of Human Relations Program in New York City Schools, Report to Hon. F. H. La Guardia, Mayor of the City of New York (New York, 1945), pp. 99–102. The General Education Board Report noted that interculturalists were at times naive regarding the sociology of the school itself. See Report of the Committee …, op. cit. Google Scholar

40. This rather static view of pluralism may be related to the emphasis of existing pluralist theory and many interculturalists on description and stress upon “differences” and “contributions.” It must also be seen within the context of the progressive educator's interest in building national consensus and unity around democratic ideology. For a valuable discussion of the ahistorical and asociological aspects of this approach see Newman, William M., American Pluralism: A Study of Minority Groups and Social Theory (New York, 1973), especially pp. 69–70. For an overview of arguments favoring “the Great Society” see Newman, Fred M. and Oliver, Donald W., “Education and Community,” Harvard Educational Review, 37 (Winter 1967): 61–106. Fein, Leonard J. in The Ecology of the Public Schools: An Inquiry into Community Control (New York, 1971) takes up the question to the historical attitude of liberals on legitimacy.Google Scholar

41. Council Against Intolerance in America, An American Answer to Intolerance (Teachers Manual No. I, Junior and Senior High Schools, Experimental Form) (New York, 1939).Google Scholar

42. See “Brief Report on Specific Organizations…,”.Google Scholar

43. See, for example, Cannaday, Frank W., “Arkansas,” in Pearson, Jim B. and Fuller, Edgar (editors), Education in the State: Historical Development and Outlook (Washington, 1969), p. 86, and Heffernan, Helen, “The School Curriculum in American Education,” in Fuller, Edgar and Pearson, Jim B. (editors), Education in the States: National Development Since 1900 (Washington, 1969), p. 241. For an overview of the entire efficiency in education question see Callahan, Raymond E., Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces That Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools (Chicago, p. 1962).Google Scholar

44. The South, in the period from 1930 to 1940, saw an increase in public school enrollment of over 300,000, despite national trends to the contrary. See United States Office of Education, Biennial Survey of Education in the United States, 1939–1940, Vol. I (Washington, 1947), pp. 60, 113.Google Scholar

45. The General Education Board, which funded many curricular revision projects in the South, numerous PEA programs and the regional endeavors of the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools and the Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools for Negroes was motivated to a significant degree by these motives. See, for example, Havinghurst, Robert and Rhind, Flora, “The Program in General Education,” General Education Board, Annual Report (New York, 1941), p. 34.Google Scholar

46. This function of progressive education is discussed in Swift, David, Ideology and Change in the Public Schools: The Latent Functions of Progressive Education (Columbus, 1969) and in Burgess, Charles and Borrowman, Merle L., What Doctrines to Embrace: Studies in the History of American Education (Glenview, 1969), pp. 113–141.Google Scholar

47. For insights on recent Southern history, New South ideology and Southern progressivism see Tindall, George B., The Emergence of the New South 1913–1945 (Baton Rouge, 1967); Clark, Thomas D., The Emerging South (New York, 1968); Gaston, Paul M., The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking (New York, 1970); and Bailey, Hugh G., Liberalism in the New South: Southern Social Reformers and the Progressive Movement (Coral Gables, 1969).Google Scholar

48. Tindall writes that Georgia's program was part of an attempt by D, Governor E. Rivers to create a “little New Deal” in his state. See Tindall, pp. 617–618.Google Scholar

49. For their social philosophy and ideas on the extent to which children must be trained to understand the “realities” of depression see Martin's, William H. comments in Clift, Virgil A., Anderson, Archibald W. and Hullfish, Gordon, Negro Education in America: Its Adequacy, Problems, and Needs, Sixteenth Yearbook of the John Dewey Society (New York, 1962), pp. 72–73. In their Curriculum Development (New York, 1935), they stress the need to keep students busy in the face of both increased opportunity for leisure and unemployment (406). Children must also be educated for the “planned social order” (29–30) in which urbanization (32) and the fostering of individualism within a cooperative context (36) were to be among the major goals of schooling. Both taught at the Peabody College for Teachers in Nashville. Caswell later went on to Teachers College, Columbia University.Google Scholar

50. Procedures for Virginia State Curriculum Program, Bulletin, State Board of Education, 14 (Richmond: November 1932), 24.Google Scholar

51. Ibid., 31.Google Scholar

52. Division of Instruction, State Department of Education, Montgomery, Report of the Committee on Social and Economic Conditions in Alabama and Their Implications for Education, Alabama Education Association, Bulletin No. 3 (Montgomery: May 15, 1937), 124–125.Google Scholar

53. See his “Summary of Recommendation in Regard to Negro Education,” in Louisiana Educational Survey, Vol. 4 (Baton Rouge, 1942), pp. 239–240.Google Scholar

54. Georgia Program for the Improvement of Instruction in the Public Schools, The Open Road: A Teacher's Guide for Child, Adult and Community Development in Negro Elementary Schools, Bulletin No. 2A (Atlanta, 1938), pp. 32–34; and Georgia Program for the Improvement of Instruction in the Public Schools, Guide to Life-Related Teaching in the Negro High Schools of Georgia, Bulletin No. 4 (Atlanta, October, 1938), pp. 27, 60–61.Google Scholar

55. Georgia Program for the Improvement of Education, State Department of Education, Bulletin No. 2 (Atlanta, May 1936), pp. 25–26.Google Scholar

56. Ibid.Google Scholar

57. Ibid., 26.Google Scholar

58. Wrightstone, J. W., An Appraisal of Newer Elementary School Practices (New York, 1938), pp. 27–31; and Hanna, Paul and Paul Leonard, J., “Promising Efforts at Curriculum Improvement,” Chapter 10, in Harold Rugg (editor), Democracy and the Curriculum (New York, 1939), pp. 475–512.Google Scholar

59. The PEA's position was developed in “Field Work in the South, Sponsored by the Progressive Education Association,” a position paper submitted by Frederick J. Redefer to the GEB, March 15, 1939. See also two internal memorandam of Leo M. Favrot of the General Education Board of an interview of Frederick L. Redefer of the PEA, April 17, 1939 and Interview Re: “Redefer's Request for Aid on Field Work in the South,” Leo Favrot to Frank C. Jenkins, Director, Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, March 27, 1939, GEB Mss. There is also considerable evidence in these and other materials that the PEA's image in the South was either self-serving or too “radical.” For information on the extensive program of the Southern Association see Frank Jenkins, et al., The Southern Association Study: A Report of the Work With the Thirty-Three Cooperating Secondary Schools (The Commission on Curricular Problems and Research of the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, 1941). This publication discusses cooperation with the PEA and contains a complete bibliography on its activities.Google Scholar

60. See “Comparative Membership Breakdown, PEA,” PEA Mss., University of Illinois Archives.Google Scholar

61. See Carson Ryan, W. and Tyler, Ralph, Summer Workshops in Secondary Education (New York, 1939), Redd, George, “Experimenting with the Workshop and Seminar in the Education of Teachers,” The Quarterly Review of Higher Education Among Negroes, 9 (January 1941): 10–15; and Redd, George, “An Analysis of Teacher Education Trends in Negro Colleges,” Educational Administration and Supervision, 35 (November 1949): 461–474.Google Scholar

62. See especially Odum, Howard, Southern Regions of the United States (Chapel Hill, 1936) and Odum, Howard, Race and Rumors of Race: Challenge to American Crisis (Chapel Hill, 1943).Google Scholar

63. See, for example, Schrieke, B. J. O., Alien Americans (New York, 1936), pp. 175–176; and Favrot, Leo, “How the Small Rural School Can More Adequately Serve Its Community,” The Journal of Negro Education 3 (July 1936): 433–438.Google Scholar

64. See especially Carney, Mabel, “The Pre-Service Preparation of Rural Teachers,” Teachers College Record, 34 (1932–1933): 111–113; Carney, Mabel, “Desirable Rural Adaptation in the Education of Negroes,” The Journal of Negro Education, 5 (July 1936): 448–452; and National Conference on the Fundamental Problems of Negroes (Washington, 1934), pp. 62–66. For information on Carney's role in countering discrimination at Teachers College see Daniel, Walter G., “Negro Welfare and Carney, Mable at Teachers College, Columbia University,” The Journal of Negro Education, 11 (October 1942): 560–562; and “Trends and Events of National Importance in Negro Education,” The Journal of Negro Education, 7 (January 1938): 92–93.Google Scholar

65. See Gallagher, Buell G., American Caste and the Negro College, op. cit.; Gallagher, Buell G., “Christians and Radical Social Change,” The World Tomorrow, 15 (June 1932): 170–172; Gallagher, Buell G., “College Training for the Negro —To What End?” Opportunity, 15 (September 1937): 273–275, 282; Buell G. Gallagher, “What Would Constitute Progress?” The Journal of Negro Education, 8 (July 1939): 571–582; and Gallagher, Buell G., “The Dilemma of America in the Defense of Democracy,” The Journal of Negro Education, 10 (July 1941): 442–452.Google Scholar

66. Odum, , Southern Regions, p. 515.Google Scholar

67. See Brown, William H. and Robinson, William A., Serving Negro Schools: A Report of the Secondary Study, Its Purposes, Working Techniques and Findings (Atlanta, 1946), pp. 58–72. See page 71 for a listing of workshop publications. For the General Education Board's role in the Study see Mann, Albert R., “The Program in Southern Education,” General Education Board, Annual Report, 1943 (New York, 1944), The General Education Board Mss. in the Rockefeller Foundation Archives contain considerable materials on the study and the Board's motivation in funding it. Complex as these motives were, it came after continual prodding by several black educators and the refusal of the white Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools to include blacks in its programs of regional planning and evaluation.Google Scholar

68. Robinson, W. A., “Progressive Education and the Negro,” Proceedings Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools for Negroes (1937) (n.d.), 57–60. See also W. A. Robinson, “What Peculiar Organization and Direction Should Characterize the Education of Negroes?” The Journal of Negro Education, 5 (July 1936): 393–400; Robinson, W. A., “A New Era for Negro Schools,” Progressive Education, 7 (December 1940): 541–565; and Robinson, W. A., “What is Progressive Education?” The Virginia Teachers Bulletin, 14 (February 1937): 23–26.Google Scholar

69. See Wilkerson, D. A., “Viewpoint of the Advisory Committee on Negro Schools, Virginia State Curriculum Revision Program,” The Virginia Teachers Bulletin, 11 (January 1934): 7–9; Colson, Edna, “The New Virginia Courses of Study,” The Virginia Teachers Bulletin, 10 (January 1934): 21; Wilkerson, Doxey, “A Guide for the Study of the Teneative Course of Study for Virginia Secondary Schools,” The Virginia Teachers Bulletin, 2 (May 1935): 2–5; and Spraggins, Tinsley L., “A Democratic Program,” The National Educational Outlook Among Negroes, 19 (October 193): 19.Google Scholar

70. See, especially, The Bulletin (late in the decade, The National Educational Outlook Among Negroes) published by the National Association of Teachers in Colored Schools, renamed the American Teachers Association in the late 1930s, and the many journals published by black state teachers groups in the South. These publications are on file at the Schomberg Collection of the New York Public Library.Google Scholar

71. Charles S. Johnson, the black Fisk University sociologist, served on several PEA advisory committees in the late 1930s and early 1940s, and Alain Locke, a PEA member, appeared on PEA panels in the North. Very few blacks participated in the affairs of the PEA at the national level. For a strong attack on the general failure of the progressive education movement to include blacks see Robinson, “A New Era ….” There is some evidence that the officers of the PEA agonized slightly over segregation as early as 1935. In 1937, the Board of Directors passed a resolution by W. Carson Ryan that after March 1, 1937 national conferences would be held where “people of all races (could) … attend without discrimination in any way whatsoever all sessions of the conference.” This resolution, which said nothing with regard to housing, was apparently the result of difficulties surrounding an upcoming conference in St. Louis. See “Minutes of Board of Directors,” April 7, 1935 and January 9–10, 1937. PEA Mss. Teachers College.Google Scholar

72. See Caliver, Ambrose, “The Role of the Teacher in the Reorganization and Redirection of Negro Education,” The Journal of Negro Education, 5 (July 1936): 508–516; and Caliver, Ambrose, “The Negro Teacher and a Philosophy of Education, Negro,” The Journal of Negro Education, 2 (October 1933): 432–447. See also, “Report of the Committee on Resolutions of the American Teachers Association,” The National Educational Outlook Among Negroes, 18 (September 1937): 24–25; and Scott, John W., “The New Deal in Education,” The Bulletin, 12 (January 1934): back cover.Google Scholar

73. See, for example, White, Walter, “The Progressive School and the Race Problem,” School and Home, 15 (November 1932): 33–36; Wilkerson, D. A., “A Determination of the Peculiar Problems of Negroes in Contemporary American Society,” The Journal of Negro Education, 3 (July 1936): 325–350; and Jackson, Ried E., “A Democratic Philosophy for Negro Teacher-Education Institutions,” The Quarterly Review of Higher Education Among Negroes, 6 (April 1938): 108–122.Google Scholar

74. See especially Jackson, Reid E., “A Critical Analysis of Curricula for Educating Secondary-School Teachers in Negro Colleges of Alabama,” Ph.D. dissertation (Ohio State University, 1937).Google Scholar

75. Mann Bond, Horace, “The Curriculum and the Negro Child,” The Journal of Negro Education, 4 (April 1935): 160.Google Scholar

76. Ibid., 168.Google Scholar

77. Mann Bond, Horace, The Education of the Negro in the American Social Order (1934) (New York, 1966), p. 9.Google Scholar

78. Mann Bond, Horace, “Democracy and the Problem of Minority Groups,” Progressive Education, 18 (October 1941): 282. See also Mann Bond, Horace, “Education in the South,” The Journal of Educational Sociology, 12 (January, 1939): 264–274; Bond, , The Education of the Negro, pp. 48–149. Mann Bond, Horace, “The Extent and Character of Separate Schools in the United States,” The Journal of Negro Education, 4 (July 1935): 327, and Mann Bond, Horace, “The Liberal Arts College for Negroes: A Social Force,” in A Century of Municipal Higher Education (A Collection of Addresses Delivered During the Centennial Observance of the University of Louisville, America's Oldest Municipal University) (Chicago, 1937), p. 363.Google Scholar

79. See Mohl.Google Scholar

80. For an excellent recent discussion see Feinberg, Walter, Reason and Rhetoric (New York, 1975).Google Scholar

81. See Cremin, Lawrence, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education 1876–1957 (New York, 1961), and Graham, Patricia, Progressive Education: From Arcady to Academe: A History of the Progressive Education Association 1914–1955 (New York, 1967).Google Scholar

82. Wright Mills, C., Sociology and Pragmatism: The Higher Learning in America (New York, 1964).Google Scholar

83. Waller, Willard, The Sociology of Teaching (1932) (New York, 1967), especially pp. 1–19.Google Scholar

84. See Swift, and Burgess and Borrowman.Google Scholar

85. See especially Feinberg, Walter, Reason and Rhetoric: The Intellectual Foundations of Twentieth Century Liberal Educational Policy (New York, 1975).Google Scholar

86. The author has benefited from Simmons, Michael Jr., “The Function of Praxis in the Philosophy of Education,” unpublished manuscript (1974).Google Scholar

87. See Feinberg, , Reason and Rhetoric. Google Scholar

88. For an excellent general discussion of the progressive view of politics see Welter, Rush, Popular Education and Democratic Social Thought in America (New York, 1962).Google Scholar