Article contents
Party Competition and Government Formation in Multilevel Settings: Evidence from Germany1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
Abstract
Governing in multilevel settings has become a prominent research field in comparative political science. This article asks if German state parties adopt similar ideological positions and coalition strategies to the parties on the federal stage. The results of a content analysis of state and federal election manifestos show that German political parties on the state level indeed adopt different programmatic positions to the federal parties'. Government formation on the state level, however, is not only influenced by the state parties' programmatic viewpoints, but also by the predominant patterns of coalition politics at the federal level.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s) 2008.
Footnotes
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the First ECPR Graduate Conference, Colchester, UK, 7–9 September 2006. Grant support is gratefully acknowledged from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (BR1851/3-2/3). I would like to thank Martin Brunner, Jochen Müller, the ECPR panel participants and the referees for their valuable comments.
References
2 For an overview see Hooghe, Liesbet and Marks, Gary, ‘Unraveling the Central State, but How? Types of Multi-level Governance’, American Political Science Review, 97 (2003), pp. 233–43;Google Scholar
3 See for example Liesbet Hooghe, Building a Europe with the Regions: The Changing Role of the European Commission, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996; Michael Keating, The New Regionalism in Western Europe. Territorial Restructuring and Political Change, Cheltenham, Edward Elgar, 1998; Jeffery, Charlie, ‘Sub-National Mobilization and European Integration: Does it Make Any Difference?’, Journal of Common Market Studies, 38 (2000), pp. 1–23;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks, Multi-Level Governance and European Integration, Lanham, MD, Rowman and Littlefield, 2001, pp. 159–226; Simon Bulmer, Martin Burch, Patricia Hogwood and Andrew Scott, ‘UK Devolution in the European Union: A Tale of Cooperative Assymetry?’, Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 36 (2006), pp. 75–93.
4 See Deschouwer, Kris, ‘Political Parties in Multi-Layered Systems’, European Urban and Regional Studies, 10 (2003), pp. 213–26;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Dan Hough and Charlie Jeffery (eds), Devolution and Electoral Politics, Manchester and New York, Manchester University Press, 2006.
5 Swenden, Wilfried, ‘Asymmetric Federalism and Coalition-Making in Belgium’, Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 32 (2002), pp. 67–87;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
6 See Bräuninger, Thomas and König, Thomas, ‘The Checks and Balances of Party Federalism: German Federal Government in a Divided Legislature’, European Journal of Political Research, 36 (1999), pp. 207–35;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7 Hans-Georg Wehling, ‘Regionale politische Kultur in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland’, in Hans-Georg Wehling (ed.), Regionale politische Kultur, Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 1985, pp. 7–14; Karl Rohe, Wahlen und Wählertraditionen, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1992; Michael Eilfort, ‘Landes-Parteien: Anders, nicht verschieden’, in Herbert Schneider and Hans-Georg Wehling (eds), Landespolitik in Deutschland: Grundlagen – Strukturen – Arbeitsfelder, Wiesbaden, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaft, 2006, pp. 207–25.Google Scholar
8 William M. Downs, Coalition Government, Subnational Style: Multiparty Politics in Europe's Regional Parliaments, Columbus, Ohio State University Press, 1998.Google Scholar
9 See Pappi, Becker and Herzog, ‘Regierungsbildung in Mehrebenensystemen’, p. 455.Google Scholar
10 Uwe Jun, Koalitionsbildung in den deutschen Bundesländern. Theoretische Betrachtungen, Dokumentation und Analyse der Koalitionsbildungen auf Länderebene seit 1949, Opladen, Leske und Budrich, 1994; Downs, Coalition Government, Subnational Style, pp. 221–4.Google Scholar
11 Thomas Saalfeld, ‘Germany: Stable Parties, Chancellor Democracy, and the Art of Informal Settlement’, in Wolfgang C. Müller and Kaare Strøm (eds), Coalition Governments in Western Europe, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 45.Google Scholar
12 See Markus Klein and Jürgen W. Falter, Der lange Weg der Grünen. Eine Partei zwischen Protest und Regierung, Munich, Beck, 2003, pp. 61–2.Google Scholar
13 See Oskar Niedermayer, ‘Die Entwicklung des deutschen Parteiensystems bis nach der Bundestagswahl 2002’, in Oskar Niedermayer (ed.), Die Parteien nach der Bundestagswahl 2002, Opladen, Leske und Budrich, 2003, pp. 26–37; Marc Debus, Pre-Electoral Alliances, Coalition Rejections, and Multiparty Governments, Baden-Baden, Nomos, 2007, p. 46.Google Scholar
14 See Miller, Warren L. and Mackie, Myles, ‘The Electoral Cycle and the Asymmetry of Government and Opposition Popularity: An Alternative Model of the Relationship Between Economic Conditions and Political Popularity’, Political Studies, 21 (1973), pp. 263–79;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
15 Dinkel, Rainer, ‘Der Zusammenhang zwischen Bundes- und Landtagswahlergebnissen’, Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 18 (1977), pp. 348–60.Google Scholar
16 Jeffery, Charlie and Hough, Daniel, ‘The Electoral Cycle and Multi-Level Voting in Germany’, German Politics, 10 (2001), pp. 73–98;CrossRefGoogle Scholar see also Brian G. Gaines and Christophe Crombez, ‘Another Look at Connections Across German Elections’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 16 (2004), pp. 289–319.
17 Gerhard Lehmbruch, Parteienwettbewerb im Bundesstaat. Regelsysteme und Spannungslagen im Institutionengefüge der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1998; Jeffery, Charlie, ‘Party Politics and Territorial Representation in the Federal Republic of Germany’, West European Politics, 22 (1999), pp. 130–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 See Jeffery, Charlie, ‘Towards a New Understanding of Multi-Level Governance in Germany? The Federalism Reform Debate and European Integration’, Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 48 (2007), pp. 17–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19 Jeffery, ‘Party Politics and Territorial Representation in the Federal Republic of Germany’, p. 132.Google Scholar
20 David R. Mayhew, Divided We Govern: Party Control, Lawmaking, and Investigations, 1946–1990, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1991; Krehbiel, Keith, ‘Institutional and Partisan Sources of Gridlock: A Theory of Divided and Unified Government’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 8 (1996), pp. 7–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 Lehmbruch, Parteienwettbewerb im Bundesstaat, p. 144.Google Scholar
22 Smith, Gordon, ‘West Germany and the Politics of Centrality’, Government and Opposition, 11 (1976), pp. 387–407.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
23 Scharpf, Fritz W., ‘Die Politikverflechtungs-Falle. Europäische Integration und deutscher Föderalismus im Vergleich’, Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 26 (1985), pp. 323–56.Google Scholar
24 Bräuninger and König, ‘The Checks and Balances of Party Federalism’, p. 230.Google Scholar
25 Rohe, Wahlen und Wählertraditionen.Google Scholar
26 Franz U. Pappi, ‘The West German Party System’, in Stefano Bartolini and Peter Mair (eds), Party Politics in Contemporary Western Europe, London, Cass, 1984, pp. 7–26.Google Scholar
27 Michael Laver and Norman Schofield, Multiparty Government: The Politics of Coalition in Europe, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1998, pp. 89–123.Google Scholar
28 See John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern, Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1944; William Riker, The Theory of Political Coalitions, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1962; Peleg, Bazalel, ‘Coalition Formation in Simple Games with Dominant Players’, International Journal of Game Theory, 10 (1981), pp. 11–33;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
29 See Robert Axelrod, Conflict of Interest, Chicago, Markham, 1970; Abram De Swaan, Coalition Theories and Cabinet Formation, Amsterdam, Elsevier, 1973.Google Scholar
30 Von Neumann and Morgenstern, Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, pp. 429–30.Google Scholar
31 Riker, The Theory of Political Coalitions.Google Scholar
32 Michael Leiserson, ‘Coalitions in Politics’, PhD thesis, Yale, Yale University, 1966; Leiserson, Michael, ‘Factions and Coalitions in One-Party Japan: An Interpretation Based on the Theory of Games’, American Political Science Review, 62 (1968), pp. 770–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
33 Axelrod, Conflict of Interest.Google Scholar
34 De Swaan, Coalition Theories and Cabinet Formation.Google Scholar
35 See Grofman, Bernard, ‘A Dynamic Model of Protocoalition Formation in Ideological N-Space’, Behavioural Science, 27 (1982), pp. 77–90;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Bernard Grofman, ‘Extending a Dynamic Model of Protocoalition Formation’, in Norman Schofield (ed.), Collective Decision-Making: Social Choice and Political Economy, Boston, Kluwer, 1996, pp. 265–80; Michael Laver and Kenneth A. Shepsle, Making and Breaking Governments, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996; Norman Schofield, ‘Political Competition and Multiparty Coalition Governments’, European Journal of Political Research, 23 (1993), pp. 1–33; Norman Schofield, ‘Coalition Politics. A Formal Model and Empirical Analysis’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 7 (1995), pp. 245–81; Paul V. Warwick, ‘Do Policy Horizons Structure the Formation of Parliamentary Governments? The Evidence from an Expert Survey’, American Journal of Political Science, 49 (2006), pp. 373–87.
36 See Melvin J. Hinich and Michael C. Munger, Analytical Politics, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 76–80.Google Scholar
37 Ibid., pp. 80–3.Google Scholar
38 See ibid., pp. 55–9 and Figure 1 above.Google Scholar
39 See Peter Mair, ‘Searching for the Positions of Political Actors: A Review of Approaches and an Evaluation of Expert Surveys in Particular’, in Michael Laver (ed.), Estimating the Policy Positions of Political Actors, London and New York, Routledge, 2001, pp. 10–30.Google Scholar
40 See Andrea Volkens, ‘Quantifying the Election Programmes: Coding Procedures and Controls’, in Ian Budge, Hans-Dieter Klingemann, Andrea Volkens, Judith Bara and Eric Tanenbaum (eds), Mapping Policy Preferences. Estimates for Parties, Electors and Governments 1945–1998, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 93–109.Google Scholar
41 Michael Laver, ‘Position and Salience in the Policies of Political Actors’, in Laver, Estimating the Policy Positions of Political Actors, pp. 66–76.Google Scholar
42 See Laver, Michael, Benoit, Kenneth and Garry, John, ‘Extracting Policy Positions from Political Texts Using Words as Data’, American Political Science Review, 97 (2003), pp. 311–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
43 Ibid., pp. 314–15.Google Scholar
44 Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan, ‘Cleavage Structures, Party Systems and Voter Alignments: An Introduction’, in Seymour M. Lipset and Stein Rokkan (eds), Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives, New York and London, Free Press, 1967, pp. 1–64; Pappi, ‘The West German Party System’, p. 13; Michael Laver and W. Ben Hunt, Policy and Party Competition, New York and London, Routledge, 1992, p. 56.Google Scholar
45 See Kenneth Benoit and Michael Laver, Party Policy in Modern Democracies, London and New York, Routledge, 2006, p. 261.Google Scholar
46 Ibid., pp. 168–73.Google Scholar
47 Ibid., p. 118.Google Scholar
48 All documents used here are available at http://polidoc.net. The raw data on party positions and issue saliencies as well as a description of the standardization method of the wordscore data is presented in Thomas Bräuninger and Marc Debus, Parteienwettbewerb in den deutschen Bundesländern, forthcoming 2008.Google Scholar
49 See e.g. James F. Adams, Samuel Merrill and Bernard Grofman, A Unified Theory of Party Competition: A Cross National Analysis Integrating Spatial and Behavioral Factors, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005.Google Scholar
50 See Martin, Lanny and Stevenson, Randolph T., ‘Government Formation in Parliamentary Democracies’, American Journal of Political Science, 45 (2001), pp. 33–50;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Pappi, Becker and Herzog, ‘Regierungsbildung in Mehrebenensystemen’; Paul Warwick, Policy Horizons and Parliamentary Government, Houndmills, Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
51 The conditional logit model assumes the independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA). That is, ‘the odds of choosing one alternative over another do not depend on any other alternatives in the choice set or on the values of the covariates associated with those alternatives’ (Martin and Stevenson, ‘Government Formation in Parliamentary Democracies’, p. 39). I check whether the IIA assumption is violated by applying the test procedure developed by Martin and Stevenson. The IIA assumption is violated if the IIA-test value given in Table 3 is lower than 0.05. This is not the case in the regression model presented here, so that the IIA assumption is not problematic in the following applications.Google Scholar
52 Von Neumann and Morgenstern, Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, pp. 429–30; Riker, The Theory of Political Coalitions.Google Scholar
53 Leiserson, Coalitions in Politics; Leiserson, ‘Factions and Coalitions in One-Party Japan’.Google Scholar
54 Peleg, ‘Coalition Formation in Simple Games with Dominant Players’; van Deemen, ‘Dominant Players and Minimum Size Coalitions’.Google Scholar
55 Franklin, Mark N. and Mackie, Thomas T., ‘Familiarity and Inertia in the Formation of Governing Coalitions in Parliamentary Democracies’, British Journal of Political Science, 13 (1983), pp. 275–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Hanna Bäck and Patrick Dumont, ‘Combining Large-n and Small-n Strategies: The Way Forward in Coalition Research’, West European Politics, 30 (2007), pp. 467–501.
56 Franklin and Mackie, ‘Familiarity and Inertia in the Formation of Governing Coalitions in Parliamentary Democracies’, pp. 295–7.Google Scholar
57 See Laver and Hunt, Policy and Party Competition, p. 56.Google Scholar
58 See for example Jones, Richard Wyn and Scully, Roger, ‘Devolution and Electoral Politics in Scotland and Wales’, Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 36 (2006), pp. 115–34;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
59 The positions of parties are estimated using the wordscore technique. The ‘reference texts’ are the 2001 election manifestos of the British parties. The ‘reference scores’ are taken from the Benoit and Laver expert survey. See Benoit and Laver, Party Policy in Modern Democracies, p. 251.Google Scholar
60 See for example Martin and Stevenson, ‘Government Formation in Parliamentary Democracies’.Google Scholar
61 Ibid., pp. 36–7; Golder, Sona, ‘Pre-Electoral Coalitions in Comparative Perspective: A Test of Existing Hypotheses’, Electoral Studies, 24 (2005), pp. 643–63;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Debus, Pre-Electoral Alliances, Coalition Rejections, and Multiparty Governments, pp. 171–7.
- 28
- Cited by