Language processing is grounded in brain function. Words of different semantic categories are processed in different cortical areas. Several examples of this distributed processing are given: colour words are processed in visual areas, whereas action words are processed in motor areas. The processing of action words in described in more details. A pathological condition, Parkinson’s disease, is used as an illustration of a motor impairment that selectively affects the comprehension of action words. This comprehension impairment is attributed to a difficulty in accessing the procedural knowledge carried by this specific class of words.

Speech processing in adults relies on precise and specialized networks, located primarily in the left hemisphere. Behavioural studies in infants indicate that a considerable amount of language learning already takes place in the first year of life in the domains of phonology, prosody, and word segmentation. Thanks to the progress of neuro-imaging, we can move beyond behavioural methods and examine how the infant’s brain processes verbal stimuli before learning. These studies reveal a structural and functional organization close to what is described in adults and suggest a strong bias for speech processing in these regions that might guide infants in the discovery of the properties of their native language, although no evidence can be provided as yet for speech specificity of such networks.

The concept of two largely independent systems, with strict left hemisphere lateralization of language and predominantly right lateralization of music is being challenged by the alternative view that language and music are closely related cognitive and neural systems with complex constellations of sub-processes, some of which are shared, and others that are not. Neurophysiologic data demonstrating similar syntax and semantics processing together with similarities in the development of the two domains in the infant brain support that language and music have much in common and complement each other. Close interaction between the two hemispheres is needed for optimal functioning of both language and music. Thus, the right hemisphere has an important role for understanding complex natural language such as stories and metaphors. Learning to read, write and musical training induces functional and anatomical changes in functionally relevant connections, and modifies hemispheric asymmetries for specific functions. Comparative research on music and language provides a way to study basic brain mechanisms and how the brain transfers acoustic stimuli into the unique human abilities for language and music, and may help bridge the divide between the sciences and the humanities.

The study of language acquisition during the first year of life is reviewed. We identified three areas that have contributed to our understanding of how the infant copes with linguistic signals to attain the most basic properties of its native language. Distributional properties present in the incoming utterances may allow infants to extract word candidates in the speech stream as shown in the impoverished conditions of artificial grammar studies. This procedure is important because it would work well for most natural languages. We also highlight another important mechanism that allows infants to induce structure from very scarce data. In fact, humans tend to project structural conjectures after being presented with only a few utterances. Finally, we illustrate constraints on processing that derive from perceptual and memory functions that arose much earlier during the evolutionary history of the species. We conclude that all of these machanisms are important for the infants to gain access to its native language.

Most accounts of child language acquisition use as analytic tools adult-like syntactic categories and grammars with little concern for whether they are psychologically real for young children. However, when approached from a cognitive and functional theoretical perspective, recent research has demonstrated that children do not operate initially with such abstract linguistic entities, but instead on the basis of distributional learning and item-based, form-meaning constructions. Children construct more abstract, linguistic representations only gradually on the basis of the language they hear and use and they constrain these constructions to their appropriate ranges of use only gradually as well – again on the basis of linguistic experience in which frequency plays a key role. Results from empirical analyses of children’s early multiword utterances, the development of the transitive construction and certain types of errors are presented to illustrate this approach.

This contribution presents a model of morphological productivity that allows some points of comparison with the concept of productivity in economics and in other disciplines. It is a two-step model: in the first step, degrees of productivity of morphological rules are established on the so-called syntagmatic axis of language, i.e. how a word is changed in its linear make-up, e.g. English boy becomes boy-s in the plural or is changed to boy-friend, boy-hood, boy-ish in word formation. In the second step, rule application is compared on the so-called paradigmatic axis with possibly competing productive rules, e.g. in adjective formation from nouns, suffixation with -ish (e.g. boy-ish), is compared with suffixations with -y (e.g. fier-y), -ly (e.g. friend-ly), -ic (e.g. syntact-ic), -ical (e.g. morpholog-ical). Then supportive psycholinguistic evidence is presented from online tests and first language acquisition, an area of crucial evidence for linguistic theories, since any constructs of a model must be learnable by children.

The representation of language in the brain is one of the lively topics in recent cognitive neurosciences. The present paper argues that standard models of structures and mechanisms of the brain, which are essentially based on principles of activation spreading in neuronal nets and learning by synaptic strengthening through coincidental activation, cannot account for crucial properties of the Language Faculty and are misguided in central respects. In particular, the apparently elegant notion that working memory is just the activated state of long-term memory is shown to be incapable of accounting for structures and processes of language production and comprehension. Four types of problems are sketched that illustrate the impasses encountered by standard models of activation spreading.

Bridging the gap between linguistic structure representations and neurocognitive representations is a difficult challenge. This article presents an outline of how a formally specified system of constituent structure grammar could be translated into a distributed hierarchy network of associated modules. A set of syntactic constituent rule units could be reinterpreted as complex neuronal modules, which interactively generate momentary binding associations. The iterating binding activity in the network corresponds to the syntactic structure representation of a given sentence.

Over the past forty years our ideas about migration have changed dramatically. In fact, I know of hardly any other aspect of our daily lives that has seen such a complete reversal of appreciation. Until the 1970s, immigration was something to be proud of. Over the past few decades though, we seem to have forgotten that it is far better to live in a country that people are queuing to enter rather than one that they are desperate to leave. In fact, the modern migrant and the present-day smoker have something in common: both have become outcasts almost overnight. In the Netherlands, we even have coined a new term in order to express our dislike of the modern migrant: ‘fortune seeker’. That word seems somehow to make him or her different from, and less desirable than, the classic migrant of the past centuries.

Presentation summary by Monika Ewa Kaminska

I believe that Europe can do without immigration. We do not need it to solve our problems. It does not help our national income. We should not push for immigration.

Although age distributions differ between countries, the ageing challenge is apparent everywhere. In the coming decades, the average age will increase all over Europe. As a consequence, the ratio between the working-age population (age 15–64) and the elderly population will decline, meaning a relatively reduced supply of labour, resulting in a ‘potential employment gap’. Although different in magnitude, the ageing effect is clearly present in all countries. If the EU-25 employment rate were to remain at its present 63% the average employment level will have decreased by 30 million persons in 2050. This effect is even relevant in the short-term perspective, as the first post-war birth cohorts are exiting the labour market already. After mentioning solutions to close this potential gap, such as raising participation rates and real labour productivity, this paper will focus in more detail on the possible role of migration in labour supply. As well as being the most unpredictable, this is also the most disputed variable. As traditional migration patterns are rapidly changing at the moment, this paper does not have the intention of being conclusive and absolute. However, the labour migration debate can still be elevated to a more scientific level by tackling some common misperceptions and adding new empirical facts.

Today Western European welfare states find themselves in a paradoxical situation: parts of working life are in need of labour that is difficult to find nationally – and internationally. While this is partly due to inflexible policies, it is also due to competition for labour among Western countries. At the same time, asylum seekers are constantly arriving, often to be joined by family members. The authorities are confronted with a mismatch between the supply of, and demand for, immigrants. The receiving countries do not get the labour they want, while many of those who actually come cannot be incorporated productively for various reasons. This situation illustrates the squeeze facing today’s welfare states – in this article exemplified with the Norwegian case – between the logic of humanitarian responsibilities and the concerns of the national economy.

In matters of migration, it is not only the immigrants that are influenced by the new environment in their host country. The autochthonous population of the receiving country is affected by contact with the newcomers. This article analyses the impact of Polish domestic and construction workers on their employers in Leuven, a mid-size Belgian town. It shows that there was much more contact between employer and employee than one might have expected, despite the lack of a common language and the regular absence of the employer during the employee’s working hours. This contact led to the personalization of the anonymous mass of immigrants. New images arose, mostly very positive ones, and mostly related to the workplace. Old stereotypes did not disappear, but they were overshadowed by an awareness of particularities (clichés do not count for all Poles) and similarities (Poles have much in common with Belgians). In this way, the employment of Poles somehow stimulated a ‘Europeanization’ of sorts, and contributed towards developing a sense of common European features and values.

This paper focuses on the reconstruction of social identity in which Polish pendulum migrants to Belgium engage, and pays specific attention to the civic components of this process. Social identity is here understood as an interactional, changing, and contextual phenomenon. Migration means being in a world in which neighbouring families and surrounding actors represent completely different cultures with different customs, traditions and lifestyles. The reconstruction of identity is an essential condition for adaptation and assimilation in the new place of settlement. This process of identity reconstruction, based on changes in stereotypes, is linked with the acceptance of pluralism as an important feature of the socio-cultural reality. The acceptance of a pluralist world brings migrants to a wider tolerance of diversity. This paper examines different circumstances of the processes mentioned in concrete empirical reality.

The collapse of the Iron Curtain, and recent European enlargement have brought about new waves of intra-European migration. Whilst millions of people from Central and Eastern European countries have trodden the well-worn path to the West in search of better paid jobs, their migration trajectories have differed from traditional patterns. They very often work in host countries and simultaneously maintain close social links with their countries of origin, thus earning the label ‘pendulum migrants’. These pendulum movements can be perceived as agents that stimulate processes of social integration at the micro level. Contrary to popular discourse, which represents migration as a phenomenon endangering social cohesion, this article investigates how personal contacts between hosts and guests may contribute to the building of mutual trust between European citizens.

The persistently high popularity of migration marriages within large immigrant populations in Western Europe is an intriguing phenomenon. Why do so many young people born and raised in Western Europe opt for an unknown partner coming from a region that, although it is where their parents or grandparents came from, is by and large unknown to them personally? This contribution attempts to shed some light on the dynamics of this particular kind of migration which impacts significantly on the social fabric of Western European societies. Our focus here is specifically on the Belgian case, namely the so-called ‘Emirdag connection’. In Belgium, the majority of immigrants with a Turkish background come from the region of Emirdag, in the province of Afyon. Over the last 40 years a close relationship has been established between this region of emigration and a number of Turkish communities in Flanders and Brussels. Over the last decade chain migration became for most the most popular means to enter Belgium; in other words, the majority of newcomers arrived in Belgium as (future) spouses of Belgian residents. This certainly applies to Turkish migration. Particular to the Turkish residents in Belgium, including the second generation, is that the majority still marry a person who grew up in Turkey.