(1) These are derived from the Bales-Parsons AGIL classification, one exposition of which is Parsons, Talcott, An Outline of the Social System, in Parsons, Talcott et al. (eds.), Theories of Society (New York, Free Press, 1961), I, pp. 30–84.Google Scholar

(2) Alpert, Harry, Émile Durkheim and his Sociology (New York, Columbia University Press, 1939), p. 35.Google Scholar

(3) Paulsen, Friedrich, The German University, translated by Perry, Edward Delavan, with an introduction by Nicholas Murray Butler (New York, Macmillan 1894), pp. 126–173.Google Scholar

(4) The visit to Germany by some of Durkheim's students and collaborators also helped to socialize them to the norms of research institutes and collective research, not a negligible task given the traditional individualism of French intellectual life in general and the École normale in particular. Bouglé writes apropos of his trip to Germany: “And what I was able to see of German intellectual organization made me clearly understand the degree to which a collective effort could be useful to French sociology, an effort in groups [note Bouglé's use of the plural here] that Durkheim would guide. I was thus fully prepared to offer him my collaboration, to recruit collaborators for him, in order to swell the ranks of this ‘École de Bordeaux’ that he had formed.” Bouglé, C., L'œuvre sociologique d'Émile Durkheim, Europe, XXII (1930), p. 283.Google Scholar

(5) Paulsen first outlines the ideals guiding the organization of the German university:

[…] the university should be, above all, the workshop of free scientific research […] the lifting of the student into the region of ideas, and his initiation at the same time into original scientific research [which] cannot possibly be regulated by decrees of the ruling powers, but can only thrive in full liberty […].

He then contrasts the situation in France: Only a few years before, in 1808, Napoleon had reorganized the French universities consistently following the opposite principle. […] The professors were teachers and examiners rather than scholars, and all individual initiative was restricted to the smallest minimum. […] The fact that, two generations afterwards, the French people began to reorganize their universities on German lines would seem to afford a strong proof of the superiority of the idea of liberty as compared with the principle of rules and regulations. [Paulsen, Friedrich, German Education, Past and Present transl. Lorenz, T. (London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1908), pp. 185–187.]Google Scholar

(6) “I Use […] [the term ‘seminar’] however, instead of some other because my goal has been to follow as closely as possible the method and procedures of German seminars.” Duguit, Léon, Un séminaire de sociologie, Revue Internationale de sociologie, I (1893), p. 201.Google Scholar

(7) Listings of Durkheim s courses at Bordeaux and later in Paris are found in the Revue internationale de sociologie, XXIII (1915), pp. 468–469Google Scholar; and in Alpert, , Émile Durkheim and his Sociology, pp. 64–66.Google Scholar

(8) Table 1 and subsequent quantitative materials are based on a content analysis of three issues of the prewar Année (1898, 1906, and 1912)Google Scholar. Every second article (excluding the long mémoires) was coded using a code sheet of some 60 variables. A total of 34 persons contributed articles to the issues studied. Further information about the methods followed, and the contributors and content of the Revue internationale de sociologie, are reported in Clark, Terry N., “Marginality, Eclecticism, and Innovation: René Worms and the Revue internationale de sociologie”, Revue internationale de sociologie, in press.Google Scholar

(9) For an outstanding young man to choose which of the competing groups—of historians, philosophers, sociologists—he would attempt to collaborate with was a decision filled with anguish, particularly for the best normaliens who were sought after by leaders in several disciplines. Hubert Bourgin describes the torment that he suffered in not allying himself too closely with any particular group at the outset of his career. After having achieved national fame in philosophy at the baccalaureat examinations, he was repelled by the philosophy taught at the École normale supérieure. And by a hair's breadth, he “escaped being seized by the historical schools”. Some years later he collaborated with the Durkheimians, although while he was still in the École normale, he tells us that:

I did not yet know the sociological school, and this was perhaps by greatest luck: it had a great force of apprehension and of adhesion, and it held on solidly to those that it had seized; in addition, it chose them well. But those of its members who were of least value would no doubt have astonished, wounded, worried me by their superior conduct, by their intransigence, by their rigidity. Brought to collaborate some years later by a friend who surpassed almost all of them, I owe to this delay in acquaintance, a period during which my personality could develop, to have always conserved my independence toward the master and his disciples, and to have always freely worked toward an objective which, in my eyes, never was that of a school. [Bourgin, Hubert, Cinquante ans d'expérience démocratique 1874–1924 (Paris, Nouvelle Librairie nationale, 1925), p. 45].Google Scholar

(10) Cf. Dolléans, Édouard and Dehove, Gérard, Histotre du travail en France (Paris, Editions Domat Montchrestien, 1953), I, pp. 13–54, 333–414Google Scholar; Ligou, Daniel, Histoire du socialisme en France (1871–1961) (Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1962), pp. 7–330Google Scholar; and more briefly, Thomson, David, Democracy in France Since 1870⁴ (New York and London, Oxford University Press, 1964), esp. chap. I–IV.Google Scholar

(11) Blatantly partisan, but still useful, is the study of the infusion of politics into the École normale and French university life by Bourgin, Hubert, De Jaurès à Léon Blum, l'École normale et la politique (Paris, Arthème Fayard, 1938)Google Scholar. See also his Le socialisme universitaire (Paris, Delamain et Boutelleau, 1942).Google Scholar

(12) Andler, Charles, Vie de Lucien Herr (Paris, Rieder, 1932)Google Scholar is a sympathetic biography of Herr.

(13) Goldberg, Harvey, The Life of Jean Jaurès (Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1962), p. 62:Google Scholar

This year that had stretched from the summer of 1889 to July of 1890 was a time when Jaurès began to set his thoughts in order, to organize his social theories systematically. His petty bourgeois republicanism had succumbed to disappointment, and he was ready for socialism. In a crucial interlude in 1889, he struck up a friendship with the erudite librarian of the École normale supérieure, Lucien Herr, who guided him toward a new affirmation […]. Equipped with a staggering mastery of sources and endowed with a great personal warmth, Herr, who had become socialist by 1889, directed successive generations of normaliens to the important treatises on socialist theory. “Here was the man, whom the public did not know”, Léon Blum once exclaimed, “yet under whom the socialist universitaires were formed, from Jaurès to Déat, including my generation and that of Albert Thomas”.

(14) Until as late as 1925, there was a combined heading of « Socialisme; Science Sociale », in Lorenz, Otto, Catalogue général de la librarie françtiseGoogle Scholar, the major bibliography of books published in France.

(15) Andler, , op. cit. pp. 169–182Google Scholar. A particularly compelling but little known case of the influence of socialist ties is that of Maurice Halbwachs during his fellowship term in Germany. After spending about three months in Berlin. Halbwachs, who was acting as correspondent for l'Humanité in Berlin at the same time he was collecting material for his doctoral thesis on family budgets, published an article in l'Humanité criticizing the brutality of the Berlin police in repressing a mass demonstration. The Prussian authorities saw the article and, following a perfunctory interrogation, Halbwachs was given one week's notice to leave Prussia. He was concerned about losing his fellowship, but the French authorities permitted him to complete his fellowship term in Vienna. The affair aroused attention in French academic circles, and was criticized in an article by Jaurès in l'Humanité, 23 12 1910Google Scholar, entitled « Politique policière », and another in the more conservative Le Temps of 2 January 1911. In l'Humanité of 15 02 1911Google Scholar, there is an article by Liebknecht denouncing the affair, although Halbwachs affirmed that he was not in personal contact with Liebknecht, being closer to the socialism propounded by Bernstein. The entire affair is discussed from a personal standpoint in a four-page document in the closely written longhand of Halbwachs himself, entitled “Une expulsion”, written near the end of the Second World War. This was just a few months before he was deported to Buchenwald, not, however, because he was Jewish—he wrote in the document just referred to, “Although of a Catholic family, I belonged to no religious group”—but because he, and even more so his son, had been deeply involved in underground activities during the war. The two of them were deported to Buchenwald, and although neither was put to death, the father was not able to survive the miserable living conditions (personal communication from Madame Maurice Halbwachs and André Davidovitch). I am extremely grateful to Madame Halbwachs—herself the secretary general at the Centre d'études sociologiques in former years—for her warm hospitality and continual patience in going through numerous papers and files of her husband, as well as filling in many unwritten details.

(16) Andler, , op. cit. p. 163.Google Scholar

(17) Ibid. pp. 151–168. A recent essay on Blum stressing his relations with Herr and the École normale is Joll, James, Three Intellectuals in Politics (New York, Harper and Row, 1960), pp. 3–58.Google Scholar

(18) Bourgin, , Le socialisme universitaire, p. 107.Google Scholar

(19) The series, Les Cahiers du Socialiste, was founded by François Simiand, Robert Hertz and Hubert Bourgin a few years before World War Bourgin, I., Cinquante ans d'expérience démocratique, p. 85Google Scholar. Halbwachs published an abridged version of his law doctorate on population movements in the series, Halbwachs, Maurice, La politique foncière des municipalités (Paris, Les Cahiers du Socialiste, No. 3, 1911).Google Scholar

(20) Bouglé tells us: “In fact, the majority, the near totality of the collaborators of the Année sociologique—the most moderate among them can affirm it—great friends of the celebrated librarian of the École normale named Lucien Herr, were enrolled in the socialist party, and more than one was also a collaborator of l'Humanité”. Bouglé, C., Humanisme, sociologie, philosophie: remarques sur la conception française de la culture générale (Paris, Hermann, 1938), p. 34Google Scholar. Bouglé also served for a number of years as editor of the leftist newspaper, La Dépêche de Toulouse, although he apparently never joined a socialist party.

(21) See the examples in Andler, , Vie de Lucien Herr, 11.Google Scholar

(22) Goldberg, , The Life of Jean Jaurès, p. 85.Google Scholar

(23) A doctoral thesis on the relations between Durkheim and socialism is being prepared by Jean-Claude Filloux under Raymond Aron (who incidentally has the honor of having a family connection with Durkheim's nephew, Marcel Mauss). See Filloux, , Durkheimism and Socialism, The Review, X (1963), pp. 66–65Google Scholar.

(24) See esp. “Preface to the Second Edition—Some Notes on Occupational Groups”, and Book Three, Chapter 11, “The Forced Division of Labor”, The Division of Labor in Society, and Suicide, translated by Spaulding, John A. and Simpson, George, with an introduction by George Simpson (Glencoe, The Free Press, 1951), pp. 361–392.Google Scholar

(25) Durkheim, Émile, Socialism, translated by Sattler, Charlotte, edited and with an introduction by Alvin W. Gouldner (New York, Collier Books, 1962)Google Scholar. See the preface by Mauss on Durkheim's plans for further development of the work.

(26) Personal communication, Professor Georges Davy.

(27) Alpert, , Émile Durkheim and his Sociology, p. 37.Google Scholar

(28) Personal communication, Professors Georges Davy and Armand Cuvillier. On the evolution of the socialist parties leading to the metamorphosis of l'Humanité from a socialist to a communist position, see the very careful study by Kriegel, Annie, AUX origines du commuńisme français 1914–1920 (Paris, Mouton, 1964), 2 vols.Google Scholar

(29) See the discussion of Filloux, , op. cit.Google Scholar, and Aron, Raymond, Sociologie et socialisme, Ańnales de l'Université de Paris, XXX (1960), pp. 33–37Google Scholar. Aron develops a thesis —“[…] in a simplified formula that we wil seek to rectify, one could say that he conceived sociology as the scientific counterpart of socialism” (p. 33)—very similar to that of Bourgin in Le socialisme universitaire, pp. 72–79.Google Scholar

(30) Personal communication, André Davidovitch, present editor of the Année sociologique. Official support in later years was carefully acknowledged. See Annales sociologiques.

(31) This section draws heavily on conversations with Georges Davy and André Davidovitch, in addition to published accounts of the Année sociologique.

(32) Of every other article sampled from four volumes between 1886 and 1914 of each of three journals—the Revue internationale de sociologie, the Science sociale, and the Journal de la Société de statistique de Paris—there was not one coauthored paper. In just the 1912 issue of the Année sociologique, however, there were six articles by two authors and one by three; a total of 334 articles was contained in the volume.

(33) Alcan has subsequently been taken over by Presses Universitaires de France.

(34) Personal communication. See also Davy, Georges, “Émile Durkheim”, Année sociologique, 3rd series (1957–1958), pp. vii–x.Google Scholar

(35) In later years, Fauconnet, Bouglé, Davy, and Halbwachs also took on some of the responsibility for sub-sections of the Année. Personal communication, Davy, Georges; and Lévy-Bruhl, H., “Marcel Mauss”, Annie soeiologique, 3rd series (1948–1949), pp. 1–4.Google Scholar

(36) Just how closely integrated and closed the group actually was at the time depended a great deal on the observer's vantage point. Alfred Espinas, for example, saw the group around Durkheim as “a militia organized for the propagation of political theories or generator of politics, and also as a secret society, […] having its mysteries to cover its ambitions, and its police, its reports, its admissions, its white and black lists”. Quoted in Bourgin, Hubert, De Jaurès à Léon Blum, l'École normale et la politique, p. 91.Google Scholar

Davy, in contrast, asserts that There were, in effect, around him [Durkheim] certain persons who formed sort of a spiritual family, united by the tie of common method and of a common admiration for their master. [Note that Davy does not mention any ties among individual members.] They constituted […] the clan of the Année sociologique. Durkheim created and maintained the spirit of unity of this little society, without the least tyranny, leaving to each one his entire liberty. He only acted through the enormous supremacy of his mind and of his method. Everyone liked to go see him and at the same time to receive his advice, to experience his affectionate interest he had for all. But there were no court sessions, no meetings no slogans. How many have been wrong in having thought to see in him the apostle of tyranny and the despiser of the individual […].

If Durkheim was thus the chief of a school, it is because he instituted a new doctrine. It is he, in Point of fact, who was, despite illustrious predecessors such as Montesquieu and Auguste Comte, the veritable founder of French sociology [Davy, Georges, Émile Durkheim, Revue de métaphysique et de morale, XXVI (1919), pp. 194–195].Google Scholar

(37) Ibid. p. 195.

(38) For the theoretical exposition of Durkheim's views on childhood socialization, see Durkheim, Émile, The Moral Education, foreword by Paul Fauconnet, translated by Wilson, Everett K. and Schnurer, Herman, edited, with an introduction by Everett K. Wilson (New York, The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961)Google Scholar; and Durkheim, , Education and Sociology, translated by Fox, Sherwood D., introduction by Paul Fauconnet, foreword by Talcott Parsons (Glencoe, The Free Press, 1956).Google Scholar

(39) Personal communication, Georges Davy.

(40) On the postwar style of the group, see Honigsheim, Paul, Reminiscenses of the Durkheim School, in Wolff (ed.), Émile Durkheim, 1858–1917, pp. 309–316.Google Scholar

* The acknowledgements at the end of the last article apply equally to this one.

(41) The mean age of contributors to the Année sociologique in 1898 was 27.7; in 1906, 34.0; in 1912, 38.3; and in 1925, 53.4.