Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 September 2012
Iran-contra and similar scandals alienate Congress and bypass the constitutional executive process. Treverton proposes four guidelines by which to test the effectiveness of covert actions undertaken by American presidents: (1) could the action stand exposure in midstream? (2) does intervention contradict overt U.S. policy? (3) what signal will be received, by whom, and with what result? (4) what if the first intervention does not succeed? The author urges presidents to abstain from implementing covert operations, which often result in nothing more than domestic and international controversy. Such decisions are the domain not of the Executive Office, but of the legitimate agency designated for such purposes, the CIA.
1 The distinction between prudential and ethical forms of argument has been pressed on me, first by my Harvard colleagues in a faculty seminar on ethics and public policy, especially Steven Kelman, Dennis Thompson, and Robert Reich, and then by my fellow participants in a faculty seminar, “Teaching Ethics: The Question of Covert Action in a Democracy,” sponsored by the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs. To both sets of colleagues I am gratefulGoogle Scholar.
2 Testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Activities, December 5, 1975Google Scholar.
3 As reported by The New York Times, July 29, 1986Google Scholar.
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5 For discussion of those intelligence estimates, see my Covert Action: The Limits of Intervention in the Postwar World (New York: Basic Books, 1987) chapter 5Google Scholar.
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11 As reported in The Washington Post, March 10, 1982. The quotations are from National Security Council documents cited in that articleGoogle Scholar.
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13 Officially the bans were attached to the fiscal 1983 appropriations bill (Public Law 97–377, Section 793) and the fiscal 1985 defense budget (Public Law 98–473, Section 8066)Google Scholar.
14 As quoted in Congressional Record, Senate (Daily Edition, November 3, 1983) p. 15282Google Scholar.
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19 This account is drawn from that investigation and from the Report of the President's Special Review Board, known as the Tower Commission after its chairman, former Senator John Tower; reprinted by Bantam Books and Times Books in 1987 (hereafter cited as Tower Commission)Google Scholar.
20 Estimated by The New York Times, August 25, 1985Google Scholar.
21 Tower Commission, pp. 57–61Google Scholar.
22 This account is pieced together from newspaper reportage and interviews. See, for example, the summary in The Washington Post, December 7, 1986. A draft of the Senate Intelligence Committee report on the affair was leaked to the press. See The Washington Post, January 9, 1987.Google Scholar
23 As reported in The New York Times, December 22, 1986Google Scholar.
24 The finding was printed in The Washington Post, January 9, 1987. See the Tower Commission, pp. 215–17Google Scholar.
25 See the report by Attorney General Edwin Meese, reprinted in The New York Times, November 26, 1986Google Scholar.
26 Testimony before the Iran-contra congressional investigation, quoted in The New York Times, July 16, 1987Google Scholar.
27 As quoted in The New York Times, July 7, 1986Google Scholar.
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30 One reported instance was an operation in Suriname in early 1983. See The New York Times, June 15, 1983Google Scholar.
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