Not everyone interested in English needs to give much thought to Chinese. This statement is so true that it borders on the banal, and a similarly true and banal statement might be: Many people involved with Chinese don't need to give much thought to English.

Some observations on the possible indigenization of English in mainland China. China boasts the largest English-learning population in the world. ‘It seems there are more people learning to speak English in China than there are English speakers in the whole of the United States’. Over 200 million children, about 20% of the total in the world, are learning English in schools, and about 13 million young people at university. The Chinese government has decided to offer English as a compulsory course nationwide from the third year at primary school. While schools in rural areas are trying to find qualified English teachers, those in large cities like Beijing and Shanghai have begun to do so as soon as the children start school at the age of six.

A discussion of the sociolinguistic risks faced by the People's Republic of China in rapidly opening up to Western influences in both economic and linguistic terms. The writers argue against what they consider a currently over-enthusiastic adoption of English in which ‘a Westernised China … might more aptly, if ruefully, be referred to as “Chingland”.’

For a distinctive variety of English to subsist and be acknowledged in Hong Kong, localization is not enough. Indigenization through general acceptance is also necessary, but will not easily be forthcoming, regardless of the claims and assertions of linguists in Hong Kong or elsewhere regarding the existence of a distinctive ‘Hong Kong English’. In addition, Hong Kong teachers of English will not accept or adopt distinctive local usages in their classrooms, regardless of the everyday use of such usages. The sociolinguistic situation is increasingly triglossic, in terms of the three languages Cantonese, Putonghua, and English, each of which has distinct functions in terms of Hong Kong, mainland China, and the world at large. A dominant ideology of linguistic purism impels people to seek outside standards with regard to both English and Putonghua, and to deny that there is a viable local variety of English, despite the length of time that the language has been used in Hong Kong.

This article discusses the current role of English not only as a world but as an Asian language. Beginning with a consideration of the views of Graddol (1997) on the role of English in Asia, especially in relation to Chinese, it discusses the situation of English in the various parts of the continent: Central, West, South, and East, noting that the language plays a distinct role in each. It also notes the vast and increasing influence of the language despite the fewness of its native speakers in the world's largest continent, drawing attention to the disproportionate influence of three small indigenous communities of more or less native-speakers: the Anglo-Indians, the East Indians, and many Filipinos. It then considers a range of countries throughout the continent, concluding with comments on Singapore and East Asia, and the vast numbers of users of English in China and India alone.

Camfranglais is a newly created language, a composite slang used by secondary school pupils in Cameroon, West Africa. It draws its lexicon from French, English, West African Pidgin, various Cameroonian indigenous languages, Latin, and Spanish. Secondary school pupils use it among themselves to exclude outsiders while talking about such matters of adolescent interest as food, drinks, money, sex, and physical looks. There are four sections: language in the Cameroon educational system; Camfranglais defined; an analysis of a sample Camfranglais text; and the semantic domains of Camfranglais. There is a glossary of the terms cited.

The present study reports on the history and current circumstances of the English language in Malawi (formerly the British protectorate of Nyasaland), where the standard of English, in terms both of teaching and use, has been in decline since the time of Dr Hastings Banda, the first president (who insisted on high standards in English and education). The study also describes and analyses Malawi's currently rising appetite for English in an environment in which the language is more or less synonymous with education itself.

This survey considers the emergence of English as a language shared across the European Union in particular and the European continent at large, and together with its distinctive ‘lingua franca’ dimension among the mainland European nations. It considers in particular the situation of ‘non-native speakers’ who regularly use the language as well as the concept of a ‘Euro-English’ in general and the Swedish, ‘Swenglish’ and English relationship on the other. It concludes by considering the liberation of non-native users from ‘the beginning of native-speaker norms’.

In this article, I describe the puzzle of idiomaticity in native and non-native uses of English: why are idioms so resistant to acquisition, even by advanced leaners and users of English? I identify the main cause of this problem in the “idiomatic paradox”, whereby the very reasons which make idiomaticity so natural and necessary in native-speaker discourse are precisely the reasons non-native speakers find them so elusive. I look at some of the implications of of the idiomatic paradox for language teaching and the use of English as a Lingua Franca.

The article discusses seven months as a teacher at a university for women in the UAE. It describes difficulties encountered while teaching English, especially in relation to the kinds of cultural and social constraints experienced by most students in the Gulf nations and particularly women. Although young women are encouraged to pursue higher education and are enthusiastic about the opportunities that are now available, there is little familial or cultural support for their endeavors. In addition, role models of women who have succeeded professionally in a field requiring higher education are extremely rare. Women are expected to marry at a young age and to produce children as quickly as is physically possible. An employment situation that necessitates women working side by side with male colleagues is generally unacceptable. The segregation of men and women is deeply embedded in this Arabic culture and, despite the best efforts of educators and more progressive families, the majority of young women succumb to the cultural and social expectations of their families and their communities.

This article provides an illustrated account of the extent to which elements of the English language have become commonplace in Greek, particularly in magazine and other texts, and particularly where Greek has long had a powerful influence on English and other Western European languages, especially in adding to their academic, medical, and technological lexicon. English now appears to be paying Greek back in kind and in full – across a wide range of registers. The illustrative material that accompanies the article helps demonstrate the extent to which present-day Greek has absorbed lexical material from English.

On and around the first anniversary of the attack on the World Trade Center, the world's press made full use of ‘9/11’ (also the national emergency telephone number in the US). The symbolism of number/divider/number has not replaced either ‘September 11’ or ‘Sept. 11’, but added to them by giving the date a special resonance. It may yet become the key name for the whole horrific series of events.