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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 September 2024
The rediscovery of a unicum manuscript source of cantates françaises by Philippe II d'Orléans in the Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, provokes a re-evaluation of not only the provenance of the collection to which it belongs, but also the role played by diplomacy, sociability and cultural exchange in the history of the cantate française. The manuscript's contents all reflect Philippe's use of international connections to acquire music and engage musicians in the period 1701–1706. The manuscript forms part of a corpus of French scores that belonged to Marie-Thérèse de Lannoy de La Motterie, an aristocratic amateur harpsichordist with an interest in both French and Italian music, and in cantates. As wife of Joseph Lothar von Königsegg und Rothenfels, representative of the Austrian emperor to Philippe, then regent of France, she was engaged in the cultural life of Paris during the period 1717–1719, not only acquiring cantate prints but also a copy of Philippe's own works in the genre. Her collection reflects both her personal interests and her diplomatic cultivation of the social circles around Philippe in which music connoisseurship was an important skill. The manuscript thus highlights the important role played in the international transmission of cantates françaises by diplomatic and familial connections of noble amateurs, especially those curious about musical developments beyond their own regional practices.
The author wishes to thank the Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart for the photos of the manuscripts and watermarks as well as permission for their publication. Warm thanks to librarians Helga Engster-Möck and Arietta Ruß, whose kind assistance made possible my research at the library, and also to the members of the Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, and in particular to Julien Dubruque for his invitation and thoughtful feedback during a visit and lecture in June 2023. Many thanks to Gesa Kordes, Claire Fontijn and my anonymous readers for their very useful comments on various drafts. I also acknowledge support via a grant from the Office of the Vice President for Research at the University of Alabama via the Research Grants Commission.
1 Borrel, Eugène, ‘Du milieu du XVIIe siècle a [sic] la disparition de la basse continue’, in Précis de musicologie, ed. Chailley, Jacques (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1958), 242Google Scholar. It was criticized as an oversimplification by Tunley, David, The French Baroque Cantata, second edition (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997), 15Google Scholar. However, the term was actually used in the Journal de Trévoux ou Mémoires pour servir l'histoire des sciences et des beaux-arts (February 1709), 294: ‘[cantates] sont des petits Opéras qu'une seule voix peut exécuter’, and was employed by Natalie Berton-Blivet, ‘Le petit opéra (1668–1723): aux marges de la cantate et de l'opéra’ (PhD dissertation, Université de Tours, 1996). In fact, the connection between the two genres is a complicated issue; see Garden, Greer, ‘A Link Between Opera and Cantata in France: Tonal Design in the Music of André Campra’, Early Music 21/3 (1993), 397–412CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cessac, Catherine, ‘La cantate: avatar de l'opéra?’, in De la rhétorique des passions à l'expression du sentiment: actes du colloque de Paris, Cité de la Musique, 14, 15 et 16 mai 2002, ed. Dassas, Frédéric and Jobert, Barthélémy (Paris: Cité de la Musique, 2003), 1–8Google Scholar; Cabrini, Michele, ‘Breaking Form through Sound: Instrumental Aesthetics, Tempête, and Temporality in the French Baroque Cantata’, The Journal of Musicology 26/3 (2009), 327–378CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Cabrini, , ‘Upstaging the Voice: Diegetic Sound and Instrumental Interventions in the French Baroque Cantata’, Early Music 38/1 (2010), 73–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Tunley, The French Baroque Cantata, 3–4; Naudeix, Laura, ‘Le jeu du chanteur dans la cantate française’, Revue de musicologie 106/2 (2020), 373–406Google Scholar. While Naudeix may be right about the relationships involved in some cantate performances, the comparison to salons appears at least potentially problematic in cases where the singers were professional musicians rather than members who typically performed to please one another as an aspect of their social relationships; see Fader, Don, ‘The Honnête homme as Music Critic: Taste, Rhetoric, and Politesse in the 17th-Century French Reception of Italian Music’, The Journal of Musicology 20/1 (2003), 20–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Dorival, Jérôme, La cantate française au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1999), 34–37Google Scholar.
3 A few early instances are described in the Mercure galant, largely performances for figures in the circle of Philippe d'Orléans. The first ((November 1708), 288–290) is a performance of a now-lost ‘cantade’ by Jean-François Lalouette, set to a text by Antoine Danchet that employs at least one clearly identifiable da capo form and celebrates Philippe's music-loving daughter, Louise-Adélaide d'Orléans, abbesse de Chelles. It was sung ‘par d'excellentes voix’ after a performance of a play by the pensionary students at the Abbey. Other early reports describe the performance of both Italian and French cantatas by musicians of Philippe II d'Orléans for the visiting Elector of Bavaria ((November 1709), 306), discussed below, and a cantate entitled Thetis, ‘Sur le recouvrement de la santé de Monseigneur le Comte de Toulouse’ (on the recovery of the health of Monseigneur le Comte de Toulouse (an illegitimate son of Louis XIV)), which was ‘exécutée le 4 Janvier par la Musique de Monsieur le Comte de Toulouse, en presence de Madame la duchesse d'Orléans’ (performed on 4 January by the musical ensemble of Monsieur le Comte de Toulouse, in the presence of Madame the duchess of Orléans) ((January 1712), 5–12).
4 See Greer Garden, ‘Les Amours de Vénus (1712) et le Second livre de cantates (1714) de Campra’, Revue de musicologie 77/1 (1991), 96–107; Rebecca Harris-Warrick, Dance and Drama in French Baroque Opera: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 250–254; and William Weber, with Beverly Wilcox, Canonic Repertories and the French Musical Press: Lully to Wagner (Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2021), chapter 2, 37–72.
5 A few early cantates were written for various members of the royal family; for example, ‘La Prise de Lerida’ (Jean-Baptiste Stuck, Cantates françoises à voix seule et basse continue, book 2 (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1708), 41) celebrates the military victory by Philippe II d'Orléans in 1707, and Campra's Le Lys et la rose (Cantates françoises, avec simphonie, & sans simphonie, book 3 (Paris: l'auteur et Boivin, 1728), [68], was ‘présentée à S. A. S. Madame La Duchesse d'Orléans par Mrs de l'Ordre Social’. Jean-Baptiste Rousseau dedicated his text of ‘Les bains de Tomeri’ to ‘S. A. S. Madame la duchesse’ (Œuvres diverses (Soleure [Solothurn]: Ursus Heuberger, 1712), 315), and it was set to music by Stuck (Cantates françoises à I. II. voix et basse continue, avec symphonies, book 3 (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1711), 2). Likewise, Bernier's ‘Les Jardins de Sceaux’ (Cantates françoises, ou musique de chambre . . . , book 4 (Paris: Foucault, no date), 25) and all the contents of book 5 (Les nuits de Sceaux[.] Concerts de chambre ou cantates françoises . . . , book 5 (Paris: Foucault, 1715)) were performed at the château of the duchesse du Maine (illegitimate daughter of Louis XIV); see Catherine Cessac, Manuel Couvreur and Fabrice Preyat, eds, La duchesse du Maine (1676–1753): une mécène à la croisée des arts et des siècles (Brussels: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2003), especially the chapter by Cessac, ‘La duchesse du Maine et la musique’, 97–107.
6 See Rudolf Rasch, The Music Publishing House of Estienne Roger and Michel-Charles Le Cène (2018), https://roger.sites.uu.nl/ (12 March 2023). In particular, Gervais's cantate is among the first of a tradition of comic subjects; see Jean-Paul C. Montagnier, ‘Charles-Hubert Gervais's Psiche burlesque and the Birth of the Comic Cantate française’, The Journal of Musicology 17/4 (1999), 520–545.
7 See Kaneez M. Munjee, ‘Les Chants d'Orphée: The Figure of Orpheus in the Eighteenth-Century French Cantata’ (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2011), 79–82. On transmission to German lands see Louis Delpech, Ouvertures à la française: migrations musicales dans l'espace germanique, 1660–1730 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2020), 193–194, 200–201.
8 One such collection has been investigated by Marie Cornaz, ‘La cantate italienne et française au sein de la collection musicale des archives d'Arenberg: nouvelles perspectives’, in French Renaissance Music and Beyond: Studies in Memory of Frank Dobbins, ed. Marie-Alexis Colin (Turnhout: Brepols, 2019), 109–123.
9 On Philippe see Jean-Paul C. Montagnier, Un mécène-musicien: Philippe d'Orléans, régent, 1674–1723 (Bourg-la-Reine: Éditions Zurfluh, 1996); Don Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style at the Court of Philippe II, duc d'Orléans (1674–1723)’ (PhD dissertation, Stanford University, 2000); Fader, ‘Philippe II d'Orléans's “chanteurs italiens”, the Italian Cantata and the Goûts-réunis under Louis XIV’, Early Music 35/2 (2007), 237–249; and Fader, ‘Campra et le Régent: querelles, rivalités et avancées de l'harmonie française’, in Itinéraires d'André Campra (1660–1744), d'Aix à Versailles, de l’église à l'Opéra, ed. Catherine Cessac (Wavre: Mardaga and Versailles: Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, 2012), 15–29.
10 La Suite d'Armide (edited by Louis Castelain and published by the Centre de Musique Baroque de Versailles, 2023) was recorded in the same year by the Choeur de Chambre de Namur and Cappella Mediterranea. Jean Bachelier, Recueil de cantates (The Hague: Alberts and Vander Kloot, 1728), attributes the texts of the three cantates found in MS 783 to Philippe: ‘L'Amant trahi’ (299), ‘La Résolution inutile’ (284) and ‘Le Dégoût des grandeurs’ (268). How Bachelier came into contact with Orléans's cantates is unknown.
11 Clytus Gottwald, Die Handschriften der ehemaligen Königlichen Hofbibliothek: Codices musici (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), 347–348.
12 Gottwald, Die Handschriften, 421–422. Its manuscripts of music by Jean-Baptiste Lully were the subject of study in the preparation of the complete edition of the composer's works; see Herbert Schneider, Chronologisch-thematisches Verzeichnis sämtlicher Werke von Jean-Baptiste Lully (LWV) (Tutzing: Schneider, 1981), 7.
13 Reiner Nägele, ‘Die Stuttgarter Musikalien der ehemaligen Deutschordensbibliothek Altshausen’, Musik in Baden-Württemberg 1 (1994), 187; my translation. (All translations in this article are my own.) This not uncommon view, however, ignores not only the international reach of the cantate, but also – among other things – its immense influence on the musical language of the post-Lully period, particularly on Rameau, who cut his musico-dramatic teeth on the genre.
14 I am currently working on a critical edition of Philippe's cantates and a book on the musical culture of his court in the context of the post-Lully period.
15 On the paper and copyist see Gottwald, Die Handschriften, 347–348. It is unclear when the binding was made; it is certainly different from all of the other volumes in the collection.
16 The hand is not among those currently identified by the project AteCop (https://atecop.hypotheses.org/); Laurent Guillo, private communication.
17 The attributions in the MS are as follows: fol. 2r, ‘Del Sigr Bononcini’; fol. 10v, ‘Del Sigr Mancia | p[aroles] d[e] M. B. D.’; fol. 12r, ‘Cantate del Sigr Mancia | p[aroles] d[e] M. B. D.’; fol. 18v, ‘Cantate Françoise de Msr le Duc d'Orléans’; fol. 28v, ‘Cantata Françoise de Msr le Duc d'Orléans’; fol. 38v, ‘Cantata Françoises [sic] de Msr le Duc d'Orléans’. The identity of the poet (‘M. B. D.’) is unclear.
18 The exception is ‘La Rose’, whose attribution Bachelier says he doubted (it was in fact set by Morin): ‘Les paroles de cette cantate ont été mises en musique (à ce que l'on pretend) par feu Mgr. le duc d'Orléans Régent de France’ (The words of this cantate were set to music (so it is claimed) by the late duc d'Orléans, regent of France). Recueil des cantates, 225.
19 See Fader, ‘Philippe II d'Orléans's “chanteurs italiens”’ and ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 302–324. Between 1706 and 1709 Philippe devoted his entire energy (and finances) to his military campaigns, producing stunning victories that established his military reputation.
20 There survive very few volumes that have connections to what must have been a remarkably large music library owned by Philippe. There is no listing of music books in the inventories taken after the regent's death, aside from liturgical books housed in his chapel. Archives nationales, Paris (F-Pan), X1a 9162 and AP1 752.
21 Jean-Baptiste Morin, Cantates françoises à une et deux voix, mélées de simphonies (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1706); Nicolas Bernier, Cantates françoises, ou musique de chambre (Paris: Foucault marchand[, 1706]); and Jean-Baptiste Stuck, Cantates françoises à voix seule avec simphonies (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1706). See Dorival, La cantate française, 21–25, and Don Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 308–323. One wrinkle in this story was introduced by Greer Garden, who pointed out that Jean-Baptiste Bousset – a composer with no known connection to Philippe in the period – had already published a cantate in 1705; see Garden, ‘A Little-Known Contributor to the Early French Cantata: Jean-Baptiste de Bousset (1662–1725)’, Liber amicorum John Steele: A Musicological Tribute, ed. Warren Drake (Stuyvesant: Pendragon, 1997), 357–377.
22 Hubert Le Blanc, Défense de la Basse de Viole contre les entreprises du violon et les prétensions du violoncelle (Amsterdam: Pierre Mortier, 1740), 2. On these ‘combats’ see Fader, ‘Campra et le Régent’.
23 See Fader, ‘Philippe II d'Orléans's “chanteurs italiens”’. On Guido's formation in Naples see Guido Olivieri, String Virtuosi in Eighteenth-Century Naples: Culture, Power, and Music Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023), 148–158.
24 See Lowell Lindgren, ‘Bononcini's “agreable and easie style and those fine inventions in his basses”’, in Aspects of the Secular Cantata in Late Baroque Italy, ed. Michael Talbot (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), 154–162.
25 Bertrand Porot, ‘Les airs contrastés: un procédé d’écriture dans le premier livre de cantates de Jean-Baptiste Stuck, musicien du duc d'Orléans’, in Topographie du plaisir sous la Régence, ed. Roland Mortier and Hervé Hasquin (Brussels: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 1998), 153–168.
26 D-11588 has two main sections, the second of which presents three Italian cantatas, one duetto and two Italian arias attributed to Guido in a single hand; the first section contains the opera excerpts in a different hand. See Don Fader, Music, Dance, and Franco-Italian Cultural Exchange c. 1700: Michel Pignolet de Montéclair and the Prince de Vaudémont (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2021), 172. A second manuscript in F-Pc (L-14247–14251), this time French and containing Guido's cantata Il rossignuolo, also preserves excerpts from French operas of this same period: Gatti's Scylla (1701) and Rebel's Ulysse (1703).
27 Denis Nolhac (attributed), Voiage historique et politique de Suisse[,] d'Italie et d'Allemagne, three volumes, volume 2 (Frankfurt: François Verrentrapp, 1737), 176–177. See Arnold Geering, ‘Georg Friderich Händels französische Kantate’, in Musicae scientiae collectanea: Festschrift Karl Gustav Fellerer zum 70. Geburtstag am 7. Juli 1972, ed. Heinrich Hüschen (Cologne: Arno Volk, 1973), 126–140, and Karl Böhmer, ‘Zum Kontext und den ersten Interpreten von Händels Delirio amoroso’, in Georg Friedrich Händel in Rom, ed. Sabine Ehrmann-Herfort and Matthias Schnettger (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2010), 232–253.
28 See Manuel Couvreur, ‘Pietro Antonio Fiocco, un musicien vénitien à Bruxelles (1682–1714)’, Revue belge de musicologie 55 (2001), 147–164; Rudolph Rasch, ‘A Venetian Goes North: Pietro Antonio Fiocco in Amsterdam, Hanover and Brussels’, Revue belge de musicologie 56 (2002), 177–207; Couvreur, ‘Henry Desmarest à Bruxelles: aperçu sur la vie artistique dans la capitale des anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux au tournant des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles’, in Henry Desmarest (1661–1741): exils d'un musicien dans l'Europe du grand siècle, ed. Jean Duron and Yves Ferraton (Sprimont: Mardaga, 2005), 13–32.
29 On Rousseau's protectors at Versailles see Don Fader, ‘La duchesse de Bourgogne, le mécénat des Noailles, et les arts dramatiques à la cour autour de 1700’, in Marie-Adélaïde de Savoie (1685–1712): Duchesse de Bourgogne, enfant terrible de Versailles, ed. Fabrice Preyat (Brussels: Éditions de l'Université de Bruxelles, 2014), 175–190.
30 See François Turellier, ‘Des cantates anonymes attribuables à Jean-Baptiste Morin (1677–1745) dans le manuscrit F-Pc. Rés 1451: cantates de Mancin[i]’, Ostinato rigore, 8/9 (1997), 329–339. On the importance of ariettes in the development of the cantate see Don Fader, ‘The Goûts-réunis in French Vocal Music through the Lens of the Recueil d'airs sérieux et à boire (1695–1710)’, Revue de musicologie 96/2 (2010), 321–363.
31 The literature on the patronage of Max Emanuel is vast; see Stephan Hörner und Sebastian Werr, eds, Das Musikleben am Hof von Kurfürst Max Emanuel (Tutzing: Schneider 2012). His curiosity about the two styles is described by Margret Scharrer, ‘“Pour le chante je suis du goust Italien, mais pour quelques instruments on exèle en France”: Bayerisch-französische Musikerbeziehungen unter Kurfürst Max Emanuel’, in Das Musikleben am Hof von Kurfürst Max Emanuel, 41–52.
32 On the links between Philippe and Maximilian Emanuel see Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 339–340.
33 Mercure galant (November 1709), 306. The concert was also reported by Philippe de Courcillon, marquis de Dangeau on 20 November 1709. Journal du Marquis de Dangeau publié en entier pour la première fois par MM. Eud. Soulié et L. Dussieux avec les additions inédites du duc de Saint-Simon publiées par M. Feuillet de Conches, ed. E. Soulié, L. Dussieux and others, nineteen volumes, volume 13 (Paris: Firmin Didot frères, fils et c[ompagn]ie, 1860), 65. On Hulot see Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 339–340.
34 Born in Hanover, Sophie Charlotte married Frederick III of Brandenburg (1657–1713) in 1684 and became Queen of Prussia after the elevation of Brandenburg-Prussia to a kingdom in 1701. She was the daughter of Élisabeth-Charlotte d'Orléans's aunt and frequent correspondent, Sophie of Hanover (1630–1714). Mancia, although largely occupied with singing and composing in various Italian cities in the 1680s and 90s, probably encountered her in 1687, when his Italian opera, Paride in Ida, was performed in Hanover. He returned to Germany several times in the late 1690s and was a member of a group of Italian musicians Sophie Charlotte employed that included Giovanni Bononcini, Francesco Pistocchi and Attilio Ariosti. She probably arranged for Mancia to compose the pastoral La costanza nelle selve, the subject of which was suggested by Sophie Charlotte herself, and which was performed in Hanover in 1697. In 1702 Mancia journeyed to her court in Berlin/Ansbach, where he sang in Pistocchi's pastoral Il Narciso and in a cantata written by Ariosti, before moving on to Dusseldorf to compose a serenata for the Elector of the Palatinate in 1703. See Andrea Garavaglia, ‘Mancia, Luigi’, Dizionario biografico degli italiani 68 (2007) www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/luigi-mancia_(Dizionario-Biografico)/; Lowell Lindgren, ‘Nicola Cosimi in London, 1701–1705’, Studi musicali 11 (1982), 237; Norbert Dubowy, ‘Markgraf Georg Friedrich, Pistocchi, Torelli: Fakten und Interpretationen zu Ansbachs “italienische Periode”’, in Italienische Musiker und Musikpflege an deutschen Höfen der Barockzeit, ed. Friedhelm Brusniak (Cologne: Studio, 1995), 80; and Rashid-S. Pegah, ‘“Hir ist nichts als operen undt commedien”: Sophie Charlottes Musik- und Theatrepflege in den Jahren 1699 bis 1705’, in Sophie Charlotte und ihr Schloss: Ein Musenhof des Barock in Brandenburg-Preussen, ed. Gerd Bartoschek (Munich: Prestel, 1999), 83–89.
35 Élisabeth Charlotte d'Orléans mentions in a letter to the Raugräfin of the Pfalz, dated 18 June 1712, that Philippe had sent a clavecin brisé to Sophie Charlotte: ‘Le clavesin brisses . . . so mein sohn einsmahl ahn die königin in Preüssen geschickt hatte’ (the clavecin brisé . . . that my son had once sent to the queen of Prussia). In Wilhelm Ludwig Holland, Briefe der Herzogin Elisabeth Charlotte von Orléans (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1867), 279.
36 Musikinstrumenten-Museum des Staatlichen Instituts für Musikforschung, Berlin, cat. No. 288. The instrument is described in Donald H. Boalch, Makers of the Harpsichord and Clavichord, 1440–1840, third edition (Oxford: Clarendon, 1995), 502.
37 For a listing of the collection see Nägele, ‘Die Stuttgarter Musikalien’, 205–215. The manuscript bears the number 37 from the Deutschordensbibliothek, but was listed as ‘missing’ in Nägele's study. On the Deutsche Orden see Udo Arnold, Kreuz und Schwert: Der Deutsche Orden in Südwestdeutschland, in der Schweiz und im Elsass (Mainau: Blumeninsel Mainau, 1991).
38 On the musical patronage of Christian Moritz at the Teutonic Order see Eberhard Fritz, ‘Musik am Hof des Landkomturs in Altshausen: Ein Beitrag zur oberschwäbischen Musikkultur’, Musik in Baden-Württemberg 15 (2008), 45–64.
39 Madga Fischer, ‘Zur Geschichte der Deutschordensbibliothek in Altshausen: Die Bücherschätze im Schloß von Altshausen am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift für württembergische Landesgeschichte 47 (1988), 246–247, and Eduard Maria Oettinger and Hugo Schramm, Moniteur des dates: contenant un million de renseignements biographiques, géologiques et historiques. Supplément, three volumes, volume 2 (Dresden: Oettinger, 1866), 100.
40 Nägele, ‘Die Stuttgarter Musikalien’, 197 and 203.
41 Amadis de Grèce, tragédie en musique (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1699), copy in D-Sl, Sch.K.M.qt. Des 265/61, flyleaf. Reims was part of the region that is today north-eastern France and western Belgium, within which the family moved between various domiciles.
42 Anselme de Sainte-Marie, August Déchaussé and Honoré Du Fourney, Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la maison royale de France, third edition, nine volumes, volume 7 (Paris: Compagnie de Libraires Associés, 1733), 82. It seems unlikely that the inscription was written to someone by Marie-Thérèse herself, as she was thirteen at the time, a bit young to be offering volumes of music as gifts.
43 Karl Friedrich Hermann Albrecht, ‘Königsegg und Rothenfels, Lothar Joseph Dominik Graf von’, Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, ed. Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, fifty-six volumes, volume 16 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1882), 523–525.
44 Dangeau, Journal, volume 18, 80.
45 Marie-Thérèse departed around 18 July 1719, returning to Nivelles, ‘où elle a été chanoinesse, et où M. de la Motterie, son père, a une belle maison’ (where she was canoness, and where M. de la Motterie, her father, has a beautiful house), whereas her husband departed for Vienna, to which city he would soon recall her. Dangeau, Journal, volume 18, 80.
46 Max Braubach, ‘Königsegg-Rothenfels, Joseph Lothar Graf von’, Neue Deutsche Biographie 12 (1980), 356–358.
47 The partial purchase by the library of ‘some musical items’ (‘einige Musikalien’) from his personal collection may also explain why the vocal/continuo score to Orléans's cantates was preserved, but not the instrumental parts; the Rechnungsbände of the Orden record a payment of more than eight florins in 1779 for ‘Musikalienkasten und einige Musikalien aus dem Nachlass des Landkomturs von Königsegg’ (some musical items and cases from the estate of the Landkomtur von Königsegg). See Fritz, ‘Musik am Hof des Landkomturs in Altshausen’, 63.
48 A digital copy of the score can be accessed online: http://digital.wlb-stuttgart.de/purl/bsz485177439.
49 The four pieces are found on fols 94r–96r. The gigue and the sarabande are both by Hardel, according to Bruce Gustafson, French Harpsichord Music of the 17th Century: A Thematic Catalog of the Sources with Commentary, three volumes (Ann Arbor: UMI, 1979), volume 2, 204 and 213.
50 Bruce Gustafson, personal communication. In the middle of the manuscript are forty-three folios of empty music paper, perhaps designated for music to be copied in for Marie-Thérèse's lessons.
51 The first hand copied the first part of the MS, all Italian-texted music; the second, which begins on page 185 (fol. 94v), copied the French music by Campra and Stuck with all of the instrumental parts as well as Italian music by Albinoni, Scarlatti and Mancia from Milan and Naples. The volumes are all oblong quartos but of different sizes (MS 718 is 22 × 28 cm with eight staves, MS 719 is 22.5 × 32 cm with eight staves and MS 720 is 19 × 25 cm with six staves), all bound in identical leather with similar decorations.
52 For a complete listing of the contents in the order they are found in the manuscripts (but without most of the identifications found here) see Gottwald, Die Handschriften, 265–276.
53 See Ayana Smith, ‘The Mock-Heroic, an Intruder in Arcadia: Girolamo Gigli, Antonio Caldara and L'Anagilda (Rome, 1711)’, Eighteenth-Century Music 7/1 (2010), 35–62.
54 ‘CANTATES | FRANÇOISES | A UNE ET DEUX VOIX, | MÉLÉES DE SYMPHONIES; | Par Monsieur Morin, Ordinaire de la Musique de S. A. R. | Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans | Le Premier Livre imprimé en 1706. | & reimprimé en 1709. | Le second livre imprimé en 1707. | ENSEMBLE | LA CHASSE DU CERF, | DIVERTISSEMENT | Chanté devant le Roy. | Ce Recueil relié se vend dix livres’. D-Sl, Sch.K.M.qt. Mor 550/50. Indeed, the list of ‘Oeuvres de Mr Morin’ included in the Stuttgart copy of La Chasse du Cerf (7) also indicates that the Ballard firm specifically offered the three books bound together for ten livres. Similarly, volume 33 from the Deutschordensbibliothek collection (Sch.K.M.qt. Mor 550/60), which includes both Morin's third book of cantates and his L'Himen et l'Amour, have handwritten indications on the title-pages: ‘8 ₶, 10 s. Les deux volumes 15 ₶’ (third book) and ‘15 ₶: 2 volumes’ (L'Himen). Presumably they were purchased ‘en blanc’ (unbound) and bound together afterward. Both include Morin's paraphe (official signature).
55 André Cardinal Destouches, Oenone (Paris: J.-B.-Christophe Ballard, 1716), D-Sl, Sch.K.M.fol. S 120/8002, [4]. Interestingly, no binding combination was suggested for Oenone itself; the purchaser (or Jean-Baptiste-Christophe Ballard himself) combined it with other volumes that had become available around the same time, 1716.
56 See Gottwald, Die Handschriften, 273. Diverse watermarks were visible on the manuscripts, and it is worth considering each source in turn.
MS 783: (fol. 17) a lion in a circle with a lily and (fol. 2) countermark ‘LVG’ (Lubertus van Gerrevink, Egmont a/d Hoef, Holland, c1700; see William A. Churchill, Watermarks in Paper in Holland, England, France, etc. in the XVII and XVIII Centuries and Their Interconnection (Amsterdam: M. Hertzberger, 1935), No. 115, and Hendrick Voorn, De Papiermolens in de Provincie Nord-Holland (Haarlem: De Papierwereld, 1960), 133 and No. 64). The flyleaf shows a lion with a sword and hat with the indication ‘VRYHEYT’, which was used by van Gerrevink in the 1710s (see Churchill, No. 79, and page 28, and Voorn, De Papiermolens, page 173 and Nos 104–106), along with the countermark ‘VI’ (flyleaf).
MS 718: a Strasbourg fleur de lys in a shield with crown on top with a ‘RW’ hanging from the bottom (fol. 78; table of contents; see Edward Heawood, Watermarks Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries (Hilversum: Paper Publications Society, 1957), Nos 1786–1835, many variations, largely from Holland and England) and the countermark ‘IV’ (fol. 22) used by many Dutch makers.
MS 719: a large lily (fols 86, 87, 99, 100), the same Strasbourg fleur de lys as MUS 718, and ‘IVILLEDARY’ (Jean Villedary, employed during the period 1668–1758, and also used as a countermark by Lubertus van Gerrevink; see Voorn, De Papiermolens, 132–133 and 155).
MS 720: the only clearly visible mark was (fol. 97; the table of contents) ‘C [heart] B’ in a cartouche with crown on top and grapes below (a French mark; dated 1729/1737 in Raymond Gaudriault, Filigranes et autres caractéristiques des papiers fabriqués en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1995), 286; see also Heawood, Watermarks, No. 2364).
57 Fol. 120r. The aria appears in the libretto to L’ humanità nelle fiere, overo Il Lucullo (Naples: Salvatore Votto, 1708), Act 3 Scene 8. The score, in the Biblioteca del Conservatorio di Musica S. Pietro a Majella (I-Nc), Rari 6.6.17, attributes the music to Giuseppe Vignola, according to RISM A/II.
58 ‘Se cloüer trois ou quatre ans sur un Clavessin, pour parvenir enfin à la gloire d’être membre d'un concert, d’être assis entre deux violons et une basse de violon de l'Opera, et de brocher, bien ou mal, quelques accords, qui ne seront entendus de personne: violà leur noble ambition’ (Nailing oneself for three or four years to a harpsichord in order finally to attain the honour of being a member of an ensemble, to be seated between two violins and a bass violin from the Opéra, and to insert, for better or worse, a few chords that will be heard by no one; that is their noble ambition). Jean-Laurent Lecerf de la Viéville, Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique françoise, three volumes, volume 2 (Brussels: Foppens, 1705), 104–105.
59 Dangeau reports, for example, on 8 June 1717: ‘S. A. R. [Philippe d'Orléans] donna une audience . . . ensuite à tous les ministres étrangers et une assez longue au comte de Konigsegg’ (His Royal Highness gave an audience . . . thereafter to all the foreign ministers and a quite long one to the comte de Königsegg). Journal, volume 17, 103. See Steven Müller, ‘Der Aufenthalt Peters I in Paris 1717 aus Sicht des Wiener Hofes’, Quaestio Rossica 5/2 (2017), 363–364.
60 Ellen R. Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy: International Relations and the Performing Arts in Early Modern France (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017), 190–194.
61 Welch, A Theater of Diplomacy, chapter 8, ‘Diplomacy on the Public Stage’, 199–221; see also Welch, ‘Constructing Universality in Early Modern French Treatises on Music and Dance’, in Music and Diplomacy from the Early Modern Era to the Present, ed. Rebekah Ahrendt, Mark Ferraguto and Damien Mahiet (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 104–123.
62 The important role and mechanisms of such diplomatic musical connections have been the focus of a number of studies, in particular two contributions to a recent volume on the subject: International Relations, Music and Diplomacy: Sounds and Voices on the International Stage, ed. Frédéric Ramel and Cécile Prévost-Thomas (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). See the chapters by Mark Ferraguto, ‘Eighteenth-Century Diplomats as Musical Agents’, 43–64, and Michela Berti, ‘Europe in Rome/Rome in Europe: Diplomacy as a Network of Cultural Exchanges’, 23–41.
63 On the importance of sociability and music in the diplomatic roles of women in France and Italy in this period see Anne-Madeleine Goulet, ‘The Princesse des Ursins, Loyal Subject of the King of France and Foreign Princess in Rome’, in Music and Diplomacy, ed. Ahrendt, Ferraguto and Mahiet, 191–207. Another important example of a woman engaging in international musical exchanges via her social and courtly connections was Sophie Charlotte. She corresponded with Agostino Steffani, who was acting as a diplomat during this period; see Colin Timms, Polymath of the Baroque: Agostino Steffani and His Music (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 75–82.
64 The importance of connoisseurship was particularly palpable in the dedications of collections of sacred music during the late reign of Louis XIV, which evoke the musical taste and knowledge of princely dedicatees (including Philippe d'Orléans) rather than their piety; see Thierry Favier, ‘Foyers et dynamique des genres musicaux à la fin du règne de Louis XIV’, in Les foyers artistiques à la fin du règne de Louis XIV (1682–1715): musique et spectacles, ed. Anne-Madeleine Goulet (Turnhout: Brepols, 2019), 227–250.
65 See Jean Duron, ed., Le prince et la musique: les passions musicales de Louis XIV (Wavre: Mardaga, 2009).
66 On the group around the Dauphin see Don Fader, ‘The “Cabale du Dauphin”, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700’, Music & Letters 86/3 (2005), 380–413.
67 Élisabeth-Charlotte, duchesse d'Orléans, Lettres de Madame duchesse d'Orléans née princesse de Palatine, ed. Olivier Amiel (Paris: Mercure de France, 1981), letter of 24 March 1695, 117.
68 The princess was a major patron in her own right; see Thomas Vernet, ‘Musique et théâtre dans la “maison de ville” de Marie-Anne de Bourbon Conti à Versailles’, in Les foyers artistiques à la fin du règne de Louis XIV, ed. Goulet, 65–78.
69 Fader, ‘The “Cabale du Dauphin”’, 394–395.
70 ‘Monsieur le Duc d'Orléans va assez souvent à l'Opéra dans sa petite loge, mais il y travaille presque toujours et voit fort peu le spectacle’ (The duc d'Orléans goes quite often to the Opera in his little loge, but he works practically all the time, and watches very little of the action). Dangeau, Journal (5 December 1715). On Philippe's patronage as regent see Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 344–354. Gervais, an important protégé, wrote in the dedication to his Cantates françoises avec et sans simphonie (Paris: Christophe Ballard, 1712), ‘Je crains plus mon protecteur que le public même: Et ce seroit principalement contre la finesse de votre goût que j'aurois besoin d’être défendu; Personne ne connoît plus à fond que V. A. R. l'Art dont je me suis mêlé’ (I fear my protector more than the public itself, and it would principally be against the subtlety of your taste that I would need to be defended; no one knows the art that I practise more deeply than Your Royal Highness).
71 Louis de Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon, Mémoires de Saint-Simon, ed. Arthur de Boislisle, forty-one volumes (Paris: Hachette, 1923), volume 35, 310. Saint-Simon's portrait of Königsegg also states: ‘Le comte de Kœnigseck, ambassadeur de l'empereur, suivant le génie des ministres autrichiens, voulait, quoique d'ailleurs honnête homme, trouver à redire et donner un tour de mauvaise foi à toute la conduite du régent’ (The comte de Königsegg, ambassador of the emperor, following the practice of Austrian ministers, wanted – although he acted as a gentleman elsewhere – to object to, and to complain about, the bad faith with which the regent conducted negotiations). Mémoires, volume 34, 151.
72 Nouveau Mercure (August 1717), 189: ‘M. de Kinisegh, Ambassadeur de l'Empereur en France, donna Samedi dans son Hôtel une Magnifique fête pour la victoire remportée par l'Armée Impériale sur celle des Turcs’; Nouveau Mercure (September 1717), 173: ‘M. le Comte de Kinigsegk Ambassadeur de l'Empereur, a donné plusieurs fètes magnifiques, à l'occasion de la Victoire remportée par les Armes Impériales sur les Infideles’ (these almost identical descriptions can be glossed as: M. the comte de Königsegg, ambassador of His Imperial Majesty [to France], gave on Saturday in his mansion a magnificent celebration to mark the victory obtained by the Imperial Army over the Turks). Nouveau Mercure (November 1717), 182: ‘Le 4 fête de S. Charles, dont l'Empereur porte le nom, M. le comte de Kinigsech, Ambassadeur de S. M. I., donna dans son hotel, un repas superbe, qui fut précedé et suivi par une fête magnifique, où il n'y avoit rien à desirer’ (On 4 [November], the Feast of St Charles, whose name the emperor bears, the comte de Königsegg, ambassador of His Imperial Majesty, gave a superb meal, which was preceded and followed by a magnificent celebration, which left nothing to be desired). The marquis de Dangeau mentions on 23 October 1718 that ‘il y eut chez lui un grand souper et bal’ (there was a grand supper and ball at his house). Journal, volume 17, 407.
73 On his financial resources see Müller, ‘Der Aufenthalt Peters I in Paris 1717’, 356.
74 Relation de l'entrée de son excellence Mgr. le comte de Kinigsegg, chambellan de Sa Majesté Impériale . . . ambassadeur près de sa Majesté très-chrétienne, etc. qui se fera dimanche 23 octobre 1718 (Paris: V[eu]ve Mergé, 1718), 7. (A rare copy of this publication is in F-Pn, F-21081 (84).) It lists the carriages of the figures who participated, including the regent, his daughter, his mother and many other important members of the court (1). See also Rudolf H. Wackernagel, Der Französische Kronungswagon von 1696–1825: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Repräsentativen Zeremonienwagons (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), 133–135.
75 The approach of La Motterie and von Königsegg, at least in terms of repertoire, was similar to that of the French ambassador to the Austrian emperor, Louis-François du Plessis, duc de Richelieu (1696–1788), who cultivated Viennese society by arranging performances of music from the best composers of that city; see Lawrence Bennett, ‘Musical Celebrations of the 1720s in the Viennese Palaces of the French and Spanish Ambassadors’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 53 (2007), 31–60. A similar cultural programme was adopted by the French ambassador in Rome in the mid-eighteenth century; see Berti, ‘Europe in Rome/Rome in Europe’.
76 Nouveau Mercure (December 1718), 159–160. At the same time, the Mercure noted that the delay in her husband's official entrance meant that while she was invited to numerous court events, her presence was not considered part of her official public duties: ‘Madame [dowager duchesse d'Orléans] . . . a aussi trouvé bon que Md la Comtesse de Kinigsech Espouse de l'ambassadeur de l'Empereur eut le même honneur [de lui aller voir]; mais comme ce Seigneur n'a pas fait son entrée publique, cette Dame ne peut pas encore être reçue en cérémonie’ (Madame [dowager duchesse d'Orléans] also found it appropriate that Madame la comtesse de Königsegg, wife of the Ambassador from the Emperor, had the same honour [of visiting her]; but as this nobleman has not made his public entrance, this lady cannot yet be received with full ceremony). Nouveau mercure (December 1717), 195.
77 Nouveau mercure (December 1718), 160. The mention of gambling (‘on joue’) rather than other activities is not surprising, because the princess was infamous for her love of gaming. On the importance of the toilette as a musical venue see Évrard Titon du Tillet, Le Parnasse François (Paris: Jean-Baptiste Coignard fils, 1732), 658, in his article on Salomon: ‘Il n'avoit nullement l'air petit-Maître et de ces musiciens, qui vont aux toilettes des Dames et au lever des seigneurs pour faire valoir leurs ouvrages’ (He had nothing of the air of a petit-maître or of those musicians who go to the toilettes of ladies and to the lever [a morning ceremony of dressing] of gentlemen in order to show off their works).
78 ‘Elle sait fort bien la musique qu'elle a étudiée à fond; sa voix n'est pas forte mais agréable, et elle chante avec beaucoup de justesse’ (She knows music very well, and she has studied it in depth; her voice is not strong but [it is] agreeable, and she sings with very good intonation). Letter dated 25 September 1716, published in Elisabeth-Charlotte, duchesse d'Orléans, Correspondance complète de Madame duchesse d'Orléans, ed. G. Brunet, two volumes (Paris: Charpentier, 1855), volume 1, 271. On the musical tastes of the duchess see Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 341. Although there are no records of her engaging in musical patronage, she died in childbirth in 1719 at the age of twenty-four, and thus had little time to establish a reputation as a patron.
79 Cochereau was one of the first composers to publish an ariette, ‘L'Autre jour sur le fougere’, in Christophe Ballard's Recueil d'airs sérieux et à boire (1705); see Fader, ‘The Goûts-réunis in French Vocal Music’, 351. The Nouveau Mercure (October 1718), 152–153, describes the cantatille composed by Cochereau for the duchesse, ‘De quels nouveaux attraits sont embellis ces lieux?’, and gives its text, which had three movements.
80 A report of a public performance of Orléans's La Suite d'Armide in the Mercure ((February 1705), 64), for example, made no mention of his name, indicating only that the performance was directed by Charles-Hubert Gervais, and stating of the composer that ‘it seems that Apollo, god of music, poured his knowledge into the breast of another god’ (‘il semble qu'Apollon Dieu de la Musique ait versé ses connoissances dans le sein de quelqu'autre Dieu’), a winking and nodding reference to those in the know.
81 See Fader, ‘Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian Style’, 235–256.
82 Annotation on the flyleaf of Penthée (Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal (F-Pa), MS 6639). His annotation in the score of La Suite d'Armide (F-Pa, M. 900) indicates that it was ‘rare’; at least two more copies were known to have survived in the eighteenth century, but are now lost. Paulmy's collection in fact formed the kernel of the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal as it exists today.
83 Nouveau mercure (January 1717), 178. This position was an unusual honour for a mere musician, as the holder of the post was allowed to wear a sword and needed a knowledge of titles and court precedence. On the duties and privileges of the post of huissier de chambre (usher to the chamber) at the royal court, who often came from a family of magistrates or financiers (rather than musicians), see Vivien Richard, ‘La chambre du roi aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: une institution et ses officiers au service quotidien da la majesté’, Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 170 (2012), 109 and 116.
84 Chauvon, Tibiades, Nouveau genre de pieces pour la flûte, et le hautbois (Paris: Foucault, 1717); ‘Rondeau Le Fargis’ (23), to whom Jacques-Martin Hotteterre dedicated his Deuxième suitte de pièces à deux dessus (1717), referring to him as a student. Another gentleman of Orléans's chamber, the marquis de Simiane, is the namesake of the prelude in the sixth suite (30).
85 Chauvon, Le Philosophe amoureux et Le Tendre solitaire; premiere et seconde cantates françoises à voix seule & symphonies (Paris: J.-B.-Christophe Ballard, 1717). Two of the eleven movements from Orléans's cantate do not appear in Chauvon's version: the recitative ‘L'avide soif de l'or’ and the air ‘Pour moy toujours content’.
86 On these issues see Albert Cohen, ‘Musicians, Amateurs and Collectors: Early French Auction Catalogues as Musical Sources’, Music & Letters 81/1 (2000), 1–12, and Laurent Guillo, ‘Les bibliothèques de musique privées au miroir des catalogues de vente’, Revue de musicologie 106/2 (2020), 407–452. The cantate prints can be downloaded from the library's website via its online catalogue: https://wlb.boss.bsz-bw.de/.
87 The collection of the comte de Toulouse included some cantates and motets, as well as Italian cantatas, many of which seem to have been copied from the collection of the exiled Jacobite kings; see Catherine Massip, ‘La collection musicale Toulouse-Philidor à la Bibliothèque Nationale’, Fontes Artis Musicae 30/4 (1983), 184–207. The inventory of the library of the duchesse du Maine contains a similar distribution; see Cessac, ‘La Duchesse du Maine et la musique’, 98.
88 Some recent work has focused on connections between francophone centres and those in Germany; for example, Delpech, Ouvertures à la française; Górny, Tomasz, ‘Estienne Roger and His Agent Adam Christoph Sellius: New Light on Italian and French Music in Bach's World’, Early Music 47/3 (2019), 361–370CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Górny, , ‘Arnaud du Sarrat and the International Music Trade in Halle and Leipzig c.1700’, Early Music 51/3 (2023), 451–460CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
89 Connections to France forged by travelling nobles formed another important route for the transmission of cantates. For example, after Johann Friedrich von Uffenbach visited Jacques-Martin Hotteterre during his sojourn in France, Hotteterre offered to send volumes by Bernier, of which Uffenbach already possessed three, according to a letter dated 18 October 1723, in Delpha LeAnne House, ‘Jacques Hotteterre “le Romain”: A Study of His Life and Compositional Style’ (PhD dissertation, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, 1991), 66–67.