1 de la Cruz, Ramón, El fandango de candil (Valencia: José Ferrer de Orga, 1814), lines 405–410Google Scholar. Full text in Fundación Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/el-fandango-de-candil-sainete-nuevo-para-veinte-y-tres-personas--0 (16 January 2020). All translations in this article are mine. Translations of eighteenth-century terms are based on definitions found in the Real Academia Española's Diccionario de Autoridades (Madrid: Francisco de Hierro, 1726–1739), six volumes.

2 Sainetes are short and satirical Spanish theatrical entr'actes. In the eighteenth century many of them included music and dance, and specific types even adopted the name of dances (for example the jácara). See Catalina Buezo, La mojiganga dramática: de la fiesta al teatro, two volumes (Kassel: Reichenberger, 1993–2005), and Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Colección de entremeses, loas, bailes, jácaras y mojigangas, desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII (Madrid: Bailly Baillière, 1911).

3 The term ‘petimetre’ derives from the French petits maîtres (young gentlemen): ‘Petimetre. The young man who is very concerned with his appearance and [with] keeping up with fashion. It is a word composed of French ones, and introduced into Spanish unnecessarily’ (‘Petimetre. El joven que cuida demasiado de su compostura, y de seguir las modas. Es voz compuesta de palabras Francesas, è introducida sin necesidad’). Real Academia Española, Diccionario de Autoridades, 6 volumes, volume 5 (Madrid: Francisco de Hierro, 1737), 246.

4 Petra Vega and Salvador Quero, ‘Vida y sociedad en el Madrid del Antiguo Régimen', in Paisajes sonoros en el Madrid del s. XVIII: la tonadilla escénica, ed. Begoña Lolo (Madrid: Museo de San Isidro, 2003), 109–129.

5 Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Spanish dance theorists differentiated between popular and highbrow dances by using respectively the terms ‘baile’ and ‘danza’. One of the earliest mentions appears in Juan Esquivel's Discursos sobre el arte del danzado (Seville: Juan Gómez de Blas, 1642); there is a critical edition and English translation in Lynn Matluck Brooks, The Art of Dancing in Seventeenth-Century Spain: Juan de Esquivel Navarro and His World (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2003).

6 Dance topics represent different social classes in La villana de Xetafa (1621) by Lope de Vega, cited in Cotarelo y Mori, Colección de entremeses, clxxx. On music and dance in eighteenth-century Spanish theatre see Rainer Kleinertz, ed., Teatro y música en España (siglo XVIII): actas del simposio internacional, Salamanca 1994 (Kassel: Reichenberger, 1996), and Joaquín Álvarez and Begoña Lolo, eds, Teatro y música en España: los géneros breves en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII (Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2008).

7 Ramón de la Cruz, El fandango de candil, lines 11–15.

8 Ramón de la Cruz, El fandango de candil, lines 410 (violin) and 442 (guitar).

9 Núñez, Faustino, Guía comentada de música y baile preflamencos (1750–1808) (Barcelona: Carena, 2008), 359–365Google Scholar.

10 These are some of the main conclusions of Ana Lombardía, ‘Violin Music in Mid-18th-Century Madrid: Contexts, Genres, Style’ (PhD dissertation, Universidad de La Rioja, 2015), 727–743. Actually, Italian violin sonatas and French courtly dances also circulated in keyboard and guitar versions in early eighteenth-century Madrid. Relevant bibliography includes Monica Hall, ‘The Guitar Anthologies of Santiago de Murcia’, two volumes (PhD dissertation, Open University, 1983); Craig H. Russell, Santiago de Murcia's ‘Códice Saldivar No. 4’: A Treasury of Secular Guitar Music from Baroque Mexico (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995); Genoneva Gálvez, ed., Flores de música, two volumes (Galapagar, Madrid: Fidelio Música, 2007); and Miguel Ángel Marín, ‘La recepción de Corelli en Madrid (ca. 1680–ca. 1810)’, in Arcangelo Corelli fra mito e realtà storica: nuove prospettive d'indagine musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 350^o anniversario della nascita, ed. Gregory Barnett (Florence: Olschki, 2007), 573–637.

11 Significantly, both Goya and Bayeu made oil paintings on the subject El majo de la guitarra (Majo with guitar), respectively dated 1779 and c1786. See Museo Nacional del Prado, Galería online https://www.museodelprado.es/en/the-collection/art-work/majo-with-a-guitar/7a0c8af6-ca19-4571-ba71-33396a184ed6 and https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/el-majo-de-la-guitarra/76c52c9b-5844-4f63-9279-80b2f8ed7458 (22 April 2020).

12 Francisco de Goya, Portrait of the Duchess of Alba, 1797. Hispanic Society of America, New York; reproduction and description in Emil Krén and Daniel Marx, The Web Gallery of Art https://www.wga.hu (16 January 2020).

13 Juan Fernández de Rojas, El Libro á la moda / traducido del frances al castellano (Madrid: Imprenta del Consejo de Indias, 1785), and Juan Antonio de Iza Zamácola, El libro de moda o Ensayo de la historia de los Currutacos, Pirracas y Madamitas de nuevo cuño (Madrid: Fermín Villalpando, 1795). De Iza used the nickname ‘Don Preciso’, meaning ‘Mr Exact’, in several satirical texts of the 1790s.

14 For an overview of majismo see Antonio Martín Moreno, Historia de la música española: Siglo XVIII, fifth edition (Madrid: Alianza, 2006; originally published, 1985), 302–314. On majismo and courting see Carmen Martín Gaite, Usos amorosos del dieciocho en España (Madrid: Anagrama, 1987).

15 The musical entr'actes known as tonadillas often feature characters from different places who have their own ways of speaking or dancing. See Ruiz Mayordomo, María José, ‘El papel de la danza en la tonadilla escénica’, in Paisajes sonoros en el Madrid el siglo XVIII: La tonadilla escénica, ed. Lolo, Begoña (Madrid: Ayuntamiento de Madrid, 2003), 60–71Google Scholar; Pessarrodona, Aurélia, ‘Representaciones musicales de lo francés en tonadillas dieciochescas’, Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 46 (2016), 167–193CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Guin, Elisabeth Le, ‘Tonadillas and Diplomacia in Enlightenment Madrid’, Early Music 40/3 (2012), 421–440CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Le Guin discusses Pablo Esteve's La Avellanera y dos franceses (1767); the protagonist is an Andalusian woman who sings seguidillas and represents the authenticity of Spaniards, in contrast to ridiculed Frenchmen.

16 Pajares, Javier Suárez, ‘El auge de la guitarra moderna en España’, in La música en España en el siglo XVIII, ed. Boyd, Malcolm, Carreras, Juan José and Leza, José Máximo (Madrid: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 251–270Google Scholar, and Aleixo, Ricardo, La guitarra en Madrid (1750–1808): Con un catálogo de la música de ese periodo conservada en bibliotecas madrileñas (Madrid: SEdeM, 2016)Google Scholar.

17 The popularity of ‘national’ musical topics is particularly evident in the advertisements published in the Madrid press; see Miguel-Ángel Marín, ‘El mercado de la música’, in La música en el siglo XVIII, ed. José Máximo Leza (Madrid, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2014), 439–461.

18 Scholarly literature on travellers’ views of the fandango is relatively plentiful. One of the most complete studies is still Etzion, Judith, ‘The Spanish Fandango: From Eighteenth-Century Lasciviousness to Nineteenth-Century Exoticism’, Anuario musical 48 (1993), 229–250Google Scholar. Based on the examination of numerous descriptions dated between 1760 and 1850, Etzion argues that eighteenth-century visitors (especially the French and the British) portrayed the fandango as the symbol of the Spaniard's passionate and irrational character. Their predominantly negative view was connected to the construction of the Black Legend; it turned into a positive, picturesque view in the nineteenth century, as Carmen illustrates.

19 Burrows, Donald and Dunhill, Rosemary, Music and Theatre in Handel's World: The Family Papers of James Harris, 1732–1780 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 534–535Google Scholar (letter dated 9 February 1769), 574 (letter dated 1 January 1770); Richard Twiss, Travels through Portugal and Spain in 1772 and 1773 (London: author, 1775), 156–157; Pierre-Augustin de Beaumarchais, letter dated 24 December 1764, cited in Etzion, ‘The Spanish Fandango’, 235; Giacomo Casanova, memoirs, 1789–1798, volume 10, chapter 12 and volume 11, chapter 1; Spanish translation in Giacomo Casanova, Memorias de España, trans. Ángel Crespo (Barcelona: Áltera, 1995), 41–46.

20 In Beaumarchais's play, the fandango appears in Act 4 Scene 9. In Mozart's opera, it appears in the finale of Act 3. Different interpretations of the dramatic function and meaning of the fandango in this particular opera scene are proposed in Link, Dorothea, ‘The Fandango Scene in Mozart's Le nozze di Figaro’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 133/1 (2008), 69–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Russell, Craig H., ‘The Fandango in Mozart's The Marriage of Figaro: The Prism of Revolution in the Enlightenment’, in The Global Reach of the Fandango, ed. Goldberg, K. Meira and Pizà, Antoni (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016), 418–442Google Scholar.

21 Real Academia Española, Diccionario de Autoridades, volume 3 (Madrid: Francisco de Hierro, 1732), 719.

22 ‘Libro de diferentes cifras de guitarra escojidas de los mejores autores’, manuscript, 1705. Biblioteca Nacional de España, M. 811. Available at Biblioteca Nacional de España, Biblioteca Digital Hispánica http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000055012&page=1 (16 January 2020). This source contains varied dance pieces in guitar tablature, including fandangos (pages 103, 112–113 and 140) and other supposedly colonial genres such as the zarambeque (108) and guineo (145). The ‘Fandango Indiano’ appears on page 140. See Craig H. Russell, ‘Imported Influences in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Guitar Music in Spain’, in Espãna en la música de Occidente: actas del congreso internacional celebrado en Salamanca, 29 de octubre – 5 de noviembre de 1985, ‘año europeo de la música’, ed. Emilio Casares, Ismael Fernández de la Cuestra and José López-Calo (Madrid: Instituto Nacional de las Artes Escénicas y de la Música, 1987), 385–403.

23 Faustino Núñez, ‘Fandango. I. España’, in Diccionario de la música española e hispanoamericana, ed. Emilio Casares, José López-Calo and Ismael Fernández de la Cuesta, ten volumes (Madrid: Sociedad General de Autores y Editores, 1999–2002), volume 4, 923–932. Núñez claims that the ending of the term ‘fandango’ in ‘-ngo’ points to an African American origin. On the harmonic similarities between the jácara and the fandango see Miguel-Ángel Berlanga, ‘The Fandangos of Southern Spain in the Context of Other Spanish and American Fandangos’, in The Global Reach of the Fandango, ed. Goldberg and Pizà, 12–28. Actually, no single geographic origin can be traced for most Latin American and Iberian dance-song types of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which should be understood as the result of hybridization processes and the constant circulation of musical practices. In the case of Portugal and Brazil, Rogério Budasz states that such genres as the modinha expressed ‘an identity that was neither African nor Portuguese’; see Budasz, Rogério, ‘Black Guitar-Players and Early African-Iberian Music in Portugal and Brazil’, Early Music 35/1 (2007), 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Manuel Martí Zaragoza, letter in Latin, dated 1712. Martí Zaragoza does not actually use the term ‘fandango’, as is pointed out in José-Francisco Ortega Castejón, ‘Una carta latina del deán Martí no bien entendida’, Myrtia 29 (2014), 302.

25 A recent collection of essays shows the polysemy of the term ‘fandango’ and the enormous diversity of musical and social contexts in which it has appeared from the eighteenth century to the present: Goldberg and Pizà, eds, The Global Reach of the Fandango. According to the editors, ‘fandango’ is currently ‘a broad family of interrelated fandango music and dance genres . . . that went on to constitute important parts of regional expressive culture’ in Latin America and Spain (xiv).

26 Berlanga, ‘The Fandangos of Southern Spain’.

27 Critical editions of the fandangos by Murcia, Scarlatti and Soler appear respectively in Russell, Santiago de Murcia's Códice Saldivar No. 4; Martínez, Rosario Álvarez, ed., José Herrando, Domenico Scarlatti, Francisco Courcelle, José [Blasco] de Nebra y Agustino Massa: obras inéditas para tecla (Madrid: SEdeM, 1984)Google Scholar; Marvin, Frederick, ed., Padre Antonio Soler: Fandango (New York: Mills Music, 1957)Google Scholar; and Rubio, Samuel, ed., Fandango de Antonio Soler (Madrid: UME, 1971)Google Scholar. Boccherini's most famous fandango is that of String Quintet Op. 40 No. 2/g341 (1788), reused in the Quintet with guitar g448 (1798). He also made use of the fandango in one of the earliest works he composed in Spain, the String Quintet Op. 10 No. 3/g267 (1771), analysed in Giuggioli, Matteo, ‘Quintetto “afandangado”: Il giovane Boccherini e il richiamo del fandango’, Boccherini Online 4 (2011), 24–39Google Scholar.

28 Alan Jones, ‘Emergence and Transformations of the Fandango’, in The Global Reach of the Fandango, ed. Goldberg and Pizà, 518–535.

29 Boorman, Stanley, ‘Composition–Copying–Performance–Re-Creation: The Matrix of Stemmatic Problems for Early Music’, in L'edizione critica tra testo musicale e testo literario, ed. Borghi, Renato and Zappalà, Pietro (Lucca: LIM, 1995), 45–55Google Scholar.

30 The current article focuses on the eighteenth-century instrumental fandango, understood as a harmonic-rhythmic pattern originating in folk music and later absorbed and stylized by art music. For a useful classification of all the types of music named ‘fandango’ see Peter Manuel, ‘The Fandango Complex in the Spanish Atlantic: A Panoramic View’, in The Global Reach of the Fandango, ed. Goldberg and Pizà, 2–11.

31 The jácara and the fandango share the same harmonic structure, as shown in Berlanga, ‘The Fandangos of Southern Spain’. On the bimodality of the fandango in flamenco see also Lola Fernández Marín, ‘La bimodalidad en las formas del fandango y en los cantes de Levante: origen y evolución’, Revista de investigación sobre flamenco 4 (2011), 37–53.

32 Etzion, ‘The Spanish Fandango’, 243–250.

33 For example, Pablo Minguet's bandurria fandango, in 3/4 and D minor, features an F major subida section, after which it seems reasonable to continue playing variations on the fandango pattern. See Pablo Minguet, Reglas, y advertencias generales que enseñan el modo de tañer todos los instrumentos (Madrid: Minguet, c1754), bandurria booklet, final plate.

34 This issue is examined in numerous music examples from a wide chronology in Castro, Guillermo, ‘A vueltas con el fandango: nuevos documentos de estudio y análisis de la evolución rítmica en el género del fandango’, Sinfonía virtual 24 (2013), 1–132Google Scholar, and Guillermo Castro, ‘Rhythmic Evolution in the Spanish Fandango: Binary and Ternary Rhythms’, in The Global Reach of the Fandango, ed. Goldberg and Pizà, 120–152.

35 An example of hemiola and polyrhythm in fandangos is José de Nebra's seguidilla-fandango ‘Tempestad grande, amigo’ from the zarzuela Vendado es amor, no es ciego (Madrid, 1744). It is scored for soprano, tenor, two violins and basso continuo. In the refrain the violins play a typical descending fandango melody in 6/8, while the bass plays a six-beat ostinato in 3/4 (bars 11–14). Later, when the voices have the words ‘son fandanguítico’ (fandango-like music), the violins’ accents reflect the 3 + 3 + 2 + 2 + 2 hemiola pattern (bars 35–38). See the critical edition and commentary in María Salud Álvarez, ed., José de Nebra. Vendado es amor, no es ciego: zarzuela (Zaragoza: Instituto Fernando el Católico CSIC / Sección de Música Antigua Excma. Diputación Provincial de Zaragoza, 1999).

36 For example, the fandango is performed in two theatrical works that circulated in Madrid in the 1720s, José de Cañizares's comic mojiganga entitled Los sopones (manuscript in Biblioteca Nacional de España (E-Mn), R/14517[29]) and the anonymous Entremés del novio de la aldeana, published in Arcadia de entremeses: Escritos por los ingenios más clásicos de España (Madrid: Angel Pasqual Rubio, 1723), 81–94; copy in E-Mn, R/8207. In this entremés Juanelo sings the fandango while accompanying himself on the vihuela (86–91).

37 ‘Manifestación de relevantes aplausos de la música’ (c1731), Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona (E-Bbc), M. 1452. The dating of this manuscript is based on the presence of a march (fol. 190v) that makes reference to a masquerade held in Barcelona in 1731; see Maurice Esses, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias in Spain during the 17th and Early 18th Centuries, three volumes (Hillsdale, NY: Pendragon, 1992–1994), volume 1, 336–337. A facsimile of the manuscript can be viewed at Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya, Memòria Digital de Catalunya http://mdc.csuc.cat/cdm/ref/collection/partiturBC/id/5332 (3 January 2020).

38 ‘Folias, Ballets, Sardanas y moltas altras cosas’, E-Bbc, M. 741/22. Esses proposes the same date for this manuscript and Manifestación, based on their similar physical features and contents; see Esses, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias, volume 1, 337–339. See the facsimile of the manuscript at Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya, Memòria Digital de Catalunya http://mdc.csuc.cat/cdm/compoundobject/collection/partiturBC/id/17851/rec/1 (3 January 2020).

39 Esses, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias, volume 2, 164–167; Castro, ‘A vueltas con el fandango’, 5–6 and 63–64. Neither Esses nor Castro provide a bass or add the melodic beats that are necessary to complete regular patterns in these three fandangos. Moreover, Esses uses rhythmic cells that are not characteristic of the fandango, such as crotchet – two semiquavers – three quavers (Catalonia Fandango 1, bar 9 onwards). This is pointed out by Castro, who uses rhythmic cells that are typical of fandangos (according to previous studies) but does not identify the violin as the solo instrument.

40 The editorial criteria for Examples 1–3 are as follows: The figured bass in small print is editorial. Accidentals that are redundant in modern notation have been omitted. All editorial additions are indicated by square brackets. Asterisks mark notes whose duration or pitch differs from the sources. Beaming generally follows the sources. Critical notes: No. 1: the double bars of the source are omitted; there is six-quaver beaming in bars 2–3, 5–7, 9 and 24–31. No. 2: the first note of bar 1 is a dotted crotchet, exceeding the bar's duration; the source contains a minim and crotchet in bar 16; vertical wavy lines at the beginning and the end are interpreted as repeat signs. No. 3: there is three-quaver beaming in the upbeat of bar 1; combinations of two-quaver and four-quaver beaming appear in bars 2, 4, 6, 9, 10 and 13.

These transcriptions can be compared with facsimiles of the manuscripts, available online at Memòria Digital de Catalunya http://mdc.csuc.cat/cdm/landingpage/collection/partiturBC.

41 Castro, ‘Rhythmic Evolution in the Spanish Fandango’, 124–126.

42 Manuscript in the Archivo Capitular de la Catedral de Málaga (E-MA), 95-1.

43 Critical edition and commentary in Álvarez, ed., José de Nebra.

44 Several musical sources show that the violin and the guitar shared repertory and notation systems: the Borrador de Libro de Cuentas del Colegio Imperial (1652–1654), the Salamanca Manuscript (c1659), the Marqués de Bellpuig Manuscript (late seventeenth century), and the Torre de Juan Abad Manuscript (early eighteenth century). See Juan Lorenzo Jorquera Opazo, ‘Presencia de la música en la Compañía de Jesús de Madrid durante la primera mitad del siglo XVII’, 2 volumes (PhD dissertation, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2016), volume 1, 361–377; Lombardía, Ana, ‘Melodías para versos silenciosos: bailes, danzas y canciones para violín en el Manuscrito de Salamanca (ca. 1659)’, Diagonal: An Ibero-American Music Review 3/1 (2018), 1–39Google Scholar; Valdivia, Francisco, ‘El archilaúd en España: una obra inédita en la Biblioteca de Catalunya’, Hispánica Lyra: revista de la Sociedad de la Vihuela 3 (2006), 8–15Google Scholar; and Lombardía, Ana, Moya, Javier and Valdivia, Francisco, ‘Un manuscrito para guitarra y violín de principios del siglo XVIII en Torre de Juan Abad’, Revista de musicología 42/2 (2019), 477–505CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

45 Instructions on how to tune the violin and the guitar together appear in Manuel de Paz, Medula del canto llano, y órgano (Madrid: Ibarra, 1767), 17–18, and in Juan Antonio de Vargas y Guzmán, Explicación de la guitarra (Cádiz, 1773), 70–72, critical edition by Ángel Medina (Granada: Centro de Documentación Musical de Andalucía, 1994). In Vargas's chapter 17, entitled ‘Del modo de acompañar con la guitarra al violín y otros instrumentos por los signos del rasgueo’ (On how to accompany the violin and other instruments with the guitar using strumming notation), the author states: ‘If you wish to play some minuets, marches, dances, canarios, etc., you may ask the violinist what key he uses, if the guitarist does not know it’ (‘Si se quieren tañer algunos minuetes, marchas, danzas, canarios, etc. se preguntará al del violín (si el de la guitarra no lo conoce) por qué signo lo hace’) (71–72 in the original; 32 in the modern edition).

46 The violin is used to play fandangos in the Fiesta de Verdiales. See Berlanga, ‘The Fandangos of Southern Spain’.

47 Several publications by Carl Leuhusen himself are preserved in the National Library of Sweden; see the catalogue at www.kb.se (16 January 2020).

48 Tråvén, Marianne, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok: musik i 1750-talets Madrid’, in Björkvall, Gunilla and Tråvén, Marianne, eds, Arkiven sjunger: Årsbok för Riksarkivet och landsarkiven (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 2011), 32–59Google Scholar.

49 Letter to Sven Bunge (diplomat of the Swedish Embassy in Paris) written in Madrid on 28 February 1752. Tråvén, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok’, 45.

50 Modern edition in Angulo, Raúl, ed., Vicente Basset: Oberturas y sinfonías (Santo Domingo de la Calzada: Fundación Gustavo Bueno, 2013)Google Scholar.

51 Tråvén, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok’, 52–54.

52 Minguet, Reglas, y advertencias generales. As mentioned above, an example of a fandango appears in the bandurria booklet of this publication.

53 RISM, RISM Opac https://opac.rism.info/index.php?id=4 (16 January 2020), no. 190017545.

54 Madrid, Biblioteca Histórica Municipal (E-Mmh), Mus. 63-41, Mus. 60-6, Mus. 61-2 bis, Mus. 61-5, and Mus. 27-2, cited in Angulo, ed., Vicente Basset: Oberturas y sinfonías, 7.

55 Nicolás Alvarez Solar-Quintés, ‘El compositor español José de Nebra (m. ll-VII-1768): Nuevas aportaciones para su biografía’, Anuario musical 9 (1954), 189.

56 E-Mmh, Mus. 61-12. The fandango appears in the instrumental introduction (crossed out in the surviving copies) and the seguidilla appears in the section ‘Seguidillas – Teresa y todas’ (seguidillas for Teresa [the main character] and all the rest [the choir]).

57 E-Mmh, Mus. 61-5. The seguidilla only appears in the individual instrumental parts. The resemblance between this manuscript and the Stockholm Fandango 2 is remarkable. Both sources contain the repetition indication ‘A la señal’ (‘To the sign’), with identical wording and the same shape for the ‘Ñ’ letter: E-Mmh, Mus. 61-5, violin 2, final page, last staff, and S-Skma, Leuhusens saml. 1930/1768, Fandango 2, 2, last staff.

58 The use of a melodic bass is specified in the titles of some collections of violin sonatas. Examples are Francisco Manalt, Obra harmónica en seis sonatas de cámara de violín y bajo solo (Madrid: Andrés Guinea, 1757), and Francesco Montali, Sei sonate a violino e violoncello (manuscript, 1754, formerly in Fundación Casa de Alba, Madrid (E-Mca)), description in Subirá, José, La música en la Casa de Alba: estudios históricos y biográficos (Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1927), 143–153Google Scholar.

59 In an additional page, the incipit of the second piece is repeated.

60 See the critical edition of the Stockholm fandangos in Ana Lombardía, ed., Anónimo. Dos fandangos para violín y acompañamiento (ca. 1755) / Capricho para violín solo (ca. 1760–1770) (Madrid: ICCMU, forthcoming).

61 Franco Piperno, ‘Stile e classicità corelliani: un'indagine sulla scrittura strumentale’, in Studi corelliani V: atti del quinto congresso internazionale, ed. Stefano La Via (Florence: Olschki, 1996), 77–113, and Miguel-Ángel Marín, ‘La recepción de Corelli en Madrid (ca. 1680–ca. 1810)’, 573–637.

62 On the standard features of galant-style violin sonatas see Daniel Heartz, Music in European Capitals: The Galant Style, 1720–1780 (New York: Norton, 2003), 208–230.

63 Composers include Juan de Ledesma, José Herrando, Christiano Reynaldi and Francesco Montali, among others. See the critical editions and introductions in Lothar Siemens, ed., Juan de Ledesma: cinco sonatas para violín y bajo solo (Madrid: SEdeM, 1989); Lothar Siemens, ed., José Herrando: tres sonatas para violín y bajo solo, y una más para flauta travesera o violín (Madrid: SEdeM, 1987); and Ana Lombardía, ed., Christiano Reynaldi: sonate di violino e basso opus 1 (1761)/ Francesco Montali: sonatas a violín solo y bajo (1759) (Madrid: ICCMU, 2019).

64 Before his collections were dispersed, they were stored at Börstorps Castle (Mariestad). See M. Tråvén, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok’, 33.

65 Olof Kåhrström and Sebastian Casinge, Linnés Nätverk: Utställning, Stockholm, Kungliga biblioteket 13.12.2007 – 12.1.2008 (Stockholm: Kungliga Biblioteket, 2007), 71.

66 Tråvén, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok’, 53–54.

67 Tråvén, ‘En svensk diplomats dagbok’, 54.

68 Rico, Clara, ‘La contradanza en España en el siglo XVIII: Ferriol y Boxeraus, Minget e Yrol y los bailes públicos’, Anuario musical 64 (2009), 191–214CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bartolomé Ferriol, Reglas útiles para los aficionados a danzar: provechoso divertimento de los que gustan tocar instrumentos y polyticas advertencias a todo genero de personas: adornado con varias laminas (Capoa: Joseph Testore, 1745); and Pablo Minguet, Breve explicación de diferentes danzas y contradanzas (Madrid: Minguet, c1760). Illustrations of the dancers’ position in ‘English’ and ‘French’ country dances appear in the dance treatises by Ferriol and Minguet; see the reproductions on pages 200 and 205 of Rico's article.

69 José Cepeda Adán and José Cepeda Gómez, ‘El reformismo ilustrado: política y economía’, in Historia de Madrid, ed. Antonio Fernández García (Madrid: CSIC, 2007), 289–328. Public masque balls are discussed on pages 312–315.

70 Rico, ‘La contradanza en España en el siglo XVIII’, and Jones, ‘Emergence and Transformations of the Fandango’.

71 Contradanzas que se han de baylar en el teatro de esta ciudad, en los Bayles de mascara del Carnaval de 1768, con su musica y explicacion de figuras (Barcelona: Piferrer, 1768), unnumbered [fol. 11r–v], copy in E-Mn, M/922. Luis Paret depicts the orchestra and dancers of Madrid's public balls in his famous oil painting Baile en máscara (c1767). Reproduction at Museo Nacional del Prado, Galería Online https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/baile-en-mascara/993b2b5a-c5c7-4938-b315-291986103c2b (16 January 2020).

72 Contradanzas que se han de baylar en el teatro de esta ciudad, unnumbered [fol. 25v (verso of last folio)].

73 Pablo Minguet, Reglas y advertencias generales para tañer el violín (Madrid: Minguet, c1754); José Herrando, Arte y puntual explicación del modo de tocar el violín (Madrid, 1757); Paz, Médula del canto llano; Fernando Ferandiere, Prontuario para el instrumentista de violín y cantor (Málaga: Dignidad episcopal, 1771).

74 ‘Fuga’, in Paz, Médula del canto llano, 119. This piece is identical to the country dance ‘La Gentil’ in Bartholomé Ferriol, Reglas útiles para los aficionados a danzar (Capoa: Testore, 1745), 70.

75 Varias contradanzas con sus músicas, manuscript, E-Mn, M/918. The date c1770 is based on concordances with several dance tutors. Rico, ‘La contradanza en España en el siglo XVIII’, 205–211.

76 ‘Y desde alli se restituien todos a sus lugares en paso de fandango’ (and from there all [the dancers] go back to their places in fandango steps). Varias contradanzas con sus músicas, No. 7, fol. 8r.

77 ‘A paso de fandango, se retornan a su sitio, los caballeros de espalda, y las señoras de cara, y concluie’ (performing fandango steps, they go back to their places, the gentlemen backwards and the ladies forwards, and it concludes). Varias contradanzas con sus músicas, No. 34, fol. 22r.

78 Fernández de Rojas, El libro à la moda, and de Iza Zamácola, El libro de moda.

79 Twiss, Travels through Portugal and Spain, 156. The author mentions Joseph [Giuseppe] Baretti, A Journey from London to Genoa through England, Portugal, Spain and France (London: Davies, 1770).

80 Twiss, Travels through Portugal and Spain, 156–157.

81 Twiss, Travels through Portugal and Spain, 157.

82 Etzion, ‘The Spanish Fandango’, 243–247.

83 The advertisements of Madrid's local press do not mention any local musician called Giardini, but they mention the sale of music by Felice Giardini. The Gaceta de Madrid for 4 April 1775 (No. 14, 144) mentions sonatas by Giardini: see Ignacio Sustaeta, ‘La música en las fuentes hemerográficas del XVIII español: Referencias musicales en la Gaceta de Madrid, y artículos de música en los papeles periódicos madrileños’, 3 volumes (PhD dissertation, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1993), volume 3, 209. The Diario de Madrid for 19 February 1793 mentions Giardini's string trios; see Yolanda Acker, ed., Música y danza en el Diario de Madrid: noticias, avisos y artículos (1758–1808) (Madrid: CDMyD, 2007), 162–163.

84 Simon McVeigh, ‘Felice Giardini: A Violinist in Late Eighteenth-Century London’, Music & Letters 64/3–4 (1983), 162–172.

85 See, for example, Giardini's Six trios for a violin, tenor and violoncello, Op. 17 (London: Blundell, 1773), RISM A/I G 1948.

86 The 1760s were a turning-point in the English capital in terms of the expansion of music publishing and concert life, and foreign music and musicians were increasingly in demand. See Simon McVeigh, Concert Life in London from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).

87 Jenny Burchell, ‘“The First Talents of Europe”: British Music Printers and Publishers and Imported Instrumental Music in the Eighteenth Century’, in Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. Susan Wollenberg and Simon McVeigh (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 93–113.

88 Public Advertiser (26 April 1758), British Library on-site databases. This collection cost 1 shilling and 6 pence. No copies have been located.

89 There is a copy of this edition in the British Library (GB-Lbl), a.25.(1.). In 1762 Johnson's business was inherited by his widow, who signed her imprints as ‘R. Johnson’. See Humphries, Charles and Smith, William Charles, Music Publishing in the British Isles from the Beginning until the Middle of the Nineteenth Century, second edition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970), 120 and 194–195Google Scholar.

90 Herrando, José, Arte y puntual explicación del modo de tocar el violín (Madrid, 1757)Google Scholar, and Herrando, José, Tres dúos nuevos a dos violines (Madrid, 1760)Google Scholar.

91 Jones, Alan, ‘Emergence and Transformations of the Fandango’, Música oral del sur 12 (2015)Google Scholar, 579 and Figure 12.

92 The works by Iribarren and Nebra cited above provide examples. A recent study shows the flexibility of the fandango as a musical topos in tonadillas composed in Madrid between 1760 and c1800, pointing out the use of polyrhythm and violin melodies: Pessarrodona, Aurélia and Ruiz-Mayordomo, María-José, ‘El fandango en la dramaturgia musical tonadillesca: el gesto en su contexto’, Música oral del sur 13 (2016), 75–104Google Scholar.

93 Two well-known keyboard examples were published in Gálvez, Genoveva, ed., Félix Máximo López: dos juegos de variaciones sobre el Minué afandangado para forte piano (Madrid: SEdeM, 2000)Google Scholar. As regards clothing, it is worth noting that some paintings show people wearing French-inspired and majo costumes in the same social gathering; an example is Goya's La gallina ciega (1788). See Museo del Prado, https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/la-gallina-ciega/0e23d968-5a4a-426f-ab7b-075d1dc1c03b (16 January 2020).

94 Sutcliffe, W. Dean, The Keyboard Sonatas of Domenico Scarlatti and Eighteenth-Century Musical Style (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 107CrossRefGoogle Scholar.