This article summarizes the major findings of a longitudinal study that traced the developmental paths of a multiracial cohort of children who had been exposed to perinatal stress, chronic poverty, and a family environment troubled by chronic discord and parental psychopathology. Individuals are members of the Kauai Longitudinal Study, which followed all children born in 1955 on a Hawaiian island from the perinatal period to ages 1, 2, 10, 18, and 32 years. Several clusters of protective factors and processes were identified that enabled most of these high-risk individuals to become competent and caring adults. Implications of the findings for developmental theory and social action programs are discussed, and issues for future research are identified.

Resilience, the development of competence despite severe or pervasive adversity, is examined using data from a longitudinal study of high-risk children and families. The study is guided by an organizationaldevelopmental perspective. Resilience is conceived not as a childhood given, but as a capacity that develops over time in the context of person-environment interactions. Factors related to resilience in our study are examined in terms of this transactional process. From our studies, we have found emotionally responsive caregiving to mediate the effects of high-risk environments and to promote positive change for children who have experienced poverty, family stress, and maltreatment. The implications of these findings are discussed.

We examine resilience in relation to one type of risk — familial risk — from a genetic perspective. Specifically, we ask why only some children growing up with the same familial risk develop psychopathology. Unlike environmental theories, genetics predicts that children in the same family will differ in their outcomes. That is, some children in a family at risk are unaffected not because they are resilient but because they are not at risk genetically. Eventually, some of the genes responsible for genetic risk will be identified, making it possible to predict which children in a family will be affected. Resilience from a genetic perspective can be viewed as the extent to which children at genetic risk are not affected. In addition, there may be genetic contributions to resilience that protect some individuals in high-risk families. Finally, genetic research has shown that salient environment influences often operate in a nonshared manner, making children in the same family different. Research on nonshared environmental factors will advance our understanding of environmental origins of resilience by focusing on environmental reasons why children growing up in high-risk families have such different outcomes.

The goal of this article is to explore the utility of integrating two lines of research on questions of modifiability or plasticity of human development. The first line, dealing with the notion of resilience, originated within the field of clinical developmental research. The second line, concerned with developmental reserve capacity, evolved primarily within the field of life-span developmental psychology. Resilience addresses questions of maintenance and recovery of adaptation in the face of stress. In addition, ideas about levels of reserve capacity, rooted in life-span developmental psychology, emphasize the potential for growth. A review of research in the areas of cognitive and self-related functioning provides evidence for resilience as well as developmental reserve capacity in adulthood and old age. It is argued that across the life span reserve capacity is increasingly allocated to resilience-related processes (maintenance of functioning and recovery from dysfunction) rather than growth. A model of successful aging is discussed which suggests that, by means of selective optimization with compensation, old age nevertheless continues to hold the potential for selective growth.

We examined maternal and paternal characteristics at 1 month postpartum as risk and protective factors for children's internalizing and externalizing problems at 2–3 years of age. In a sample of 70 couples and their children, fathers' depressive symptoms at 1 month postpartum predicted children's internalizing and externalizing problems at 2–3 years of age, and the interaction of fathers' and mothers' depressive symptoms predicted subsequent internalizing problems. Mothers' postpartum symptoms did not predict either type of children's behavior problems at age 2–3. When entered in the regression equations, mothers' depressive symptoms when the children were age 2–3 years accounted for all of the effects of paternal and maternal postpartum depressive symptoms. No evidence was found for the protective effects of marital satisfaction or social support, or for low levels of depressive symptoms in a spouse. We highlight directions for future risk and resilience research related to parental postpartum depression.

Under high-risk conditions of genetic and family environmental origins, some children maintain a high level of adaptive behavior, whereas others develop serious problems. What distinguishes these children? Using measures systematically obtained in a 10-year longitudinal study, standard case studies were developed on 18 resilient children with healthy adaptation throughout development (psychiatric assessment) and on 26 troubled children with serious persistent problems. All children had family risks of affective illness in both parents and a highly chaotic and disturbed family life. Well children of well parents and well-functioning families were a comparison group. The children were preadolescent or adolescent at the time of most recent assessment. The ill and well families had similar demographic characteristics. Resilient and control children were very similar on most measures. Troubled children as a group had lower scores on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children–Revised, were more often shy, had poor academic achievement, and had a history of poor peer relationships. Resilient children elicited more positive reactions from teachers, were more likely to be the favored child in the family, and had more positive self-perceptions. Profiles of each child showed competing processes of vulnerability and coping. Children used a wide range of methods for coping with parental and family pathology. Resilience appeared variably robust or fragile depending on the combinations of risks and supportive factors present and the styles of coping with stress.

This study distinguished between factors that were protective for children at high risk and those that were resources for children regardless of risk level and determined the generality of these factors across three different risk definitions: school-age children of mothers with (a) unipolar depression (n = 22), (b) bipolar disorder (n = 18), and (c) medical illness (n = 18), each compared to a low-risk control group (n = 38). Results were verified at a 1-year follow-up. Positive self-concept, academic success, social competence, and positive perceptions of the mothers were resource factors associated with lower diagnostic ratings for children in all risk groups. Maternal social competence and having a healthy father in the home were resource factors for maternal unipolar risk but, unexpectedly, were vulnerability factors for maternal bipolar risk. Children's friendships were protective for children of medically ill mothers; however, frequent contact with an adult friend was a risk factor for unipolar offspring. The latter finding suggests that such contact might be a consequence of poor parent-child relationships. Findings are discussed in terms of possible interventions for children at risk, and suggestions for additional research are offered.

Data are presented concerning the early predictors of adaptational success and failure among 72 children attending their 1st years of elementary school in a violent Washington, D.C., neighborhood. Adaptational failures were defined as those children who were doing poorly or failing in school and rated by their parents as suffering clinically significant levels of behavior problems. Adaptational successes were defined as children whose performance as students was rated in the average to excellent range and whose parent-rated levels of behavior problems were within the normal range. Despite the fact that these children were being raised in violent neighborhoods, had been exposed to relatively high levels of violence in the community, and were experiencing associated distress symptoms, community violence exposure levels were not predictive of adaptational failure or success. Instead, adaptational status was systematically related to characteristics of the children's homes. More specifically, the children's chances of adaptational failure rose dramatically as a function of living in unstable and/or unsafe homes. Moreover, it was not the mere accumulation of environmental adversities that gave rise to adaptational failure in these children. Rather, it was only when such adversities contaminated or eroded the stability and/or safety levels of the children's homes that the odds of their adaptational failure increased. We argue that this erosion of the quality of the child's microsystem (i.e., family) by adversities and pressures in the exosystem (i.e., community) is not an inevitable process. Although not yet well understood, it is a process over which families have and must exercise control. The implications of these data for improving children's chances of physical, psychological, and academic survival in violent neighborhoods are considered.

Evidence for resilience, competent functioning despite severe adversity, was investigated in school-age, disadvantaged maltreated (N = 127) and nonmaltreated (N = 79) children attending a summer camp program. Multiple areas of adaptation (social adjustment, risk for school difficulty, psychopathology) were assessed from self, peer, and camp counselor perspectives and school records. A composite index of adaptive functioning was developed, and levels of competence were delineated. Personality dimensions and personal resources, including cognitive maturity, self-esteem, ego-resiliency, and ego-control, were evaluated as mechanisms promoting individual differences in successful adaptation. Maltreated children as a group evidenced lower overall competence when compared to nonmaltreated children. An equal proportion of maltreated and nonmaltreated children, however, demonstrated high levels of competence, whereas more maltreated children than nonmaltreated children evidenced low levels of competence. Ego-resiliency, ego-control, and self-esteem were each found to predict individual differences in competent functioning. Evidence for the differential role of ego-control in promoting competence for maltreated versus nonmaltreated children was found. The results are discussed in terms of mechanisms contributing to resilient outcomes in maltreated children and the implications of the study of resilience for the field of developmental psychopathology.

Study I examined relationships between an interview measure of children's future expectations and variables reflecting self-system functioning with 136 9–11-year-old urban children exposed to high psychosocial stress. As expected, future expectations related to affect regulation, self-representations, and school adjustment. Study II, done with a subsample of the original group, showed that early positive future expectations predicted enhanced socioemotional adjustment in school and a more internal locus of control 2½–3½ years later and acted as a protective factor in reducing the negative effects of high stress on self-rated competence. These findings: (a) are consistent with prior data showing positive expectations to be characteristic of resilient children; (b) suggest that early positive future expectations influence later adjustment; and (c) underscore the role children have in actively structuring their environments and, thus, influencing their development. The heuristic value of the construct of self for future studies of resilience is suggested, and implications for preventive interventions are considered.

Structural equation modeling was used (a) to determine the extent to which parent-related and non-parent-related adversity were associated with increases in conduct problems between childhood and adolescence and (b) to evaluate the possible preventive, compensatory, and moderating effects of parenting quality in this regard. Subjects were 180 boys and girls from the Project Competence longitudinal study of adversity, competence, and resilience (Garmezy & Tellegen, 1984). Conduct problems, parenting quality, and socioeconomic status were assessed when subjects were in the third through sixth grades, and adversity and conduct problems were assessed again 7 years later. Results were consistent with the view that parentrelated adversity experienced between the two assessment times was associated with a small increase in conduct problems. Adversity involving siblings, extended family, and friends was not associated with changes in conduct. Effective parenting was associated with less parent-related adversity during adolescence. Effective parenting, however, did not directly compensate for the negative effects of adversity; nor did it moderate the effects of adversity. Structural equation modeling was helpful in testing for several of these effects simultaneously. Short-term longitudinal studies with baseline measures, more frequent assessments, and adequate sample size are necessary to clarify the processes suggested by these results.

Protective and risk factors were examined in three samples, each of about 500 boys. Cross-sectional analyses examined a large number of independent variables for their potential protective and risk effects on different levels of seriousness of boys' delinquency. The results showed that protective and risk effects often co-occurred in the same variables, that few variables had risk effects only, and none had protective effects oniy. Protective effects were as likely to promote nondelinquency as to suppress serious delinquency, whereas risk effects were as likely to suppress nondelinquency as to promote serious delinquency. Certain variables were mostly associated with distinctions between nondelinquency and minor delinquency, other variables were related to the distinction between minor delinquency and serious delinquency, and a third group of variables was associated with both distinctions. Developmental analyses indicated that the magnitude of protective and risk effects increased with age. Implications of the findings for research and clinical practice are discussed.

The maintenance of high social competence despite stress was examined in a 6-month prospective study of 138 inner-city ninth-grade students. The purpose was to provide a replication and extension of findings derived from previous cross-sectional research involving a comparable sample of children. Specifically, goals were to examine the extent to which high-stress children with superior functioning on one or more aspects of school-based social competence could evade significant difficulties in (a) other spheres of competence at school and (b) emotional adjustment. Measurements of stress were based on uncontrollable negative life events. Competence was assessed via behavioral indices including school grades, teacher ratings, and peer ratings, and emotional distress was measured via self-reports. Results indicated that high-stress children who showed impressive behavioral competence were highly vulnerable to emotional distress over time. Furthermore, almost 85% of the high-stress children who seemed resilient based on at least one domain of social competence at Time 1 had significant difficulties in one or more domains examined when assessed at both Time 1 and Time 2. Findings are discussed in terms of conceptual and empirical issues in resilience research.

Data from the first year of a longitudinal study of 562 African American adolescents were analyzed to examine coping methods and competence outcomes as measured by academic performance (national percentile ranking [NPR] on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills) and academic self-esteem. With resilience conceptualized as adaptive coping, regression analyses were performed to test a model of risk and resilience that takes into account family and neighborhood characteristics, youths' perceptions of their contexts, coping strategies, identity processes, and achievement outcomes. With all measures in the regression model, significant predictors of NPR for males were mother's education and academic self-esteem; predictors for females were mother's education, parental life dissatisfaction, youths' perception of family conflict, and academic self-esteem. Predictors of academic self-esteem for males were mother's education, negative life events, and youths' perception of family conflict; predictors for females were negative life events and youths' perception of family conflicts. The findings indicate that, as adaptive coping responses, both academic self-esteem and academic achievement are responsive to particular protective factors. The authors suggest that prevention and intervention efforts should be sensitive to specific coping methods and abilities that could promote resilient outcomes.

The factors contributing to the mental health of a sample of 18-year-olds were analyzed in a hierarchical multiple regression analysis. The contribution of proximal variables such as parenting behavior, intermediate variables such as other family factors, and the more distal variables such as social class and minority status were all highly significant. Child variables were also found to make significant contributions to understanding mental health. When the sample was divided into three subsamples, white advantaged, white disadvantaged, and African American (almost entirely disadvantaged), the mental health of the African American sample was higher than that of the white disadvantaged sample. The regression coefficients fit to the whole sample underestimated the mental health of the African Americans and overestimated the health of the white disadvantaged. The parenting of the African American sample was less approving and more critical and more controlling than that of the other two samples. To investigate the correlates of resilience, pairs of subjects were contrasted who had the same mental health but differed in whether they exceeded or were less than the mental health predicted for them. None of the variables in the study differentiated significantly between the two groups.

The role of assortative pairing for conduct problems in the continuity of such problems with pervasive social maladaptation in early adulthood was examined in a general population inner-city sample and a high-risk group (young people raised in children's homes). Previous findings showing a switch out of conduct disorder for those in the high-risk group who had supportive cohabiting relationships in early adulthood were replicated in the general population sample, using a latent class analysis. Conduct-disordered individuals, however, were much less likely to attain supportive relationships. The reasons for this lay in a chain of environmental linkages through which conduct-disordered individuals paired assortatively with those who provided less support. This process involved unsatisfactory parenting environments, a lack of planful competence, and the membership of a deviant peer group. Protection afforded by a stable family life, a nondeviant peer group, and planful behavior reduced the risks of assortative pairing. The linking processes appeared to be the same for the general population and the high-risk samples, although having been in the children's homes related to an increased risk of a lack of support, even when the linking processes were taken into account.