A serial study of court records from two different jurisdictions in early modern Valencia shows that during the years 1566–1686 there was one single period with significantly higher numbers of trials against French defendants. This coincided with the period of the Spanish monarchy's greatest worries about outside influence in Spain. However, the increased number of trials is only traceable in one of the two courts under study, that of the Inquisition, which was under the control of the central government. The locally controlled court of criminal justice (Justicia) did not show any such increased activity against Frenchmen.

Leaving home and entering service was a key transition in early modern England. This article presents evidence on the age of apprenticeship in London. Using a new sample of 22,156 apprentices bound between 1575 and 1810, we find that apprentices became younger (from 17.4 to 14.7 years) and more homogeneous in age, irrespective of background. We examine the effect of region of origin, parental occupation, Company entered and paternal mortality on age of entry. The fall in apprentices' ages has significant implications for our understanding of the labour supply, training structures, experiences of apprenticeship and family economy in this period.

In this article the participation profile of commoners of a Flemish case-study is reconstructed in order to identify their individual motivations for using the common, in some cases even becoming a manager of that common, in some cases only just claiming membership. Nominative linkages between membership lists, book-keeping accounts and regulatory documents of the common on the one hand and censuses and marriage acts on the other allow us to explain the behaviour of the commoners. It becomes clear why some decisions were taken – for example, to dissolve a well-functioning cattle-registration system – and how these affected the resource use of the common during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The analysis explains how internal shifts in power balances amongst groups of active users and those who did not have the means or willingness to participate could jeopardize the internal cohesion of the commoners as a group.

Around 1900 infant mortality rates (IMR) in Uruguay were among the world's lowest. By 1910, however, the IMR began a decades-long stagnation, while other countries experienced ongoing improvements. This article examines the conundrum of Uruguay's infant mortality stagnation, highlighting the leading causes of death – diarrhoeal and respiratory diseases – and their relation to social, economic and political conditions.

Drawing on an array of demographic, medical eyewitness and social sources, we explore why, despite Uruguay's precocious social welfare investments, its IMR stagnated and what enabled its eventual decline circa 1940. We conclude that a confluence of public health, medical and social factors enabled disease-specific improvements, but only after political pressure for large-scale redistribution of wealth was translated into extensive welfare state measures.