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Family Metaphors: The Language of an Independence Revolution
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 June 2009
Abstract
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- Metaphors of Revolution
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- Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1983
References
1 A promising literature on the uses of metaphor in political thought has appeared in recent years. Most studies focus on language theory rather than on historical interpretation; a few use metaphors to elucidate history, but without designing criteria to evaluate them. The neglect of metaphors by historians and interpreters of political theory has been pointed out by Zashin, Elliot and Chapman, Philip C., “The Uses of Metaphor and Analogy: Toward a Renewal of Political Language,” The Journal of Politics, 36:2 (05 1974), 292;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and by Cohen, Ted, “Metaphor and the Cultivation of Intimacy,” in On Metaphor, Sacks, Sheldon, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 1, 3.Google Scholar On the lack of criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of a particular metaphor, see Booth, Wayne, “Metaphor as Rhetoric: The Problem of Evaluation” and “Ten Literal ‘Theses’” in On Metaphor, Sacks, , ed., 49,54, 1974.Google Scholar Two collections, mainly of theoretical articles on metaphor by social scientists, are outstanding sources: Ortony, Andrew, ed., Metaphor and Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979);Google Scholar and Sapir, J. David and Crocker, J. Christopher, eds., The Social Use of Metaphor: Essays on the Anthropology of Rhetoric (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a survey of recent political science interpretations, see Miller, Eugene F., “Metaphor and Political Knowledge,” American Political Science Review, 73:1 (03 1979), 155–70;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Drucker, H. M., “Just Analogies?: The Place of Analogies in Political Thinking,” Political Studies, 18:4 (1970), 448–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 Some of the major document collections on independence are Colección de antíguos perióclicos chilenos, Cruz, Guillermo Feliú, ed., 20 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Cultura, etc., 1952–66),Google Scholar hereafter cited as CAPC; Colección de historiadores y documentos relativos a la independencia de Chile, 30 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 1900–1939),Google Scholar hereafter cited as CHD1; Archivo de don Bernardo O'Higgins, Donoso, Ricardo et al. , eds. (Santiago: Nascimento, 1946),Google Scholar hereafter cited as AOH. Standard histories of the independence period include Jaime Eyzaguirre, Ideario y ruta de la emancipación chilena (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1957);Google ScholarVillalobos, Nestor Meza, La conciencia política chilena durante la monarquía (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1958);Google ScholarVillalobos, Sergio, Tradición y reforma en 1810 (Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1961).Google Scholar
3 Collier, Simon, Ideas and Politics of Chilean Independence 1808–1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967). Collier was not looking for metaphors, but I have made use of the abundant and brilliantly chosen quotations in his book.Google Scholar
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42 Information about godparents, marriages among relatives, residences, and family economic networks comes mainly from the Archivo de los Escribanos de Santiago and the Archivo de los Notarios de Santiago. See Felstiner, Mary Lowenthal, “Kinship Politics in the Chilean Independence Movement,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 56:1 (02 1976), 59–61;CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, “Larrain Famíly,” 28–52. On residence patterns, see also Zapiola, José, Recuerdos de treinta anos (1810–1840) (Santiago: G. Miranda, 1902), 280–309;Google ScholarOrtiz, Carlos Stuardo, “Vecinos de Santiago en 1808,” Boletin de la Academia Chilena de Historia, 26:60 (1959), 205–21.Google Scholar
43 Studies show similarities in elite family behavior all over colonial Latin America. For example, Blank, Stephanie, “Patrons, Clients, and Kin in Seventeenth-Century Caracas,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 54:2 (05 1974), 260–83;CrossRefGoogle ScholarRamos, Donald, “Marriage and the Family in Colonial Vila Rica,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 55:2 (05 1975), 200–225;CrossRefGoogle ScholarKennedy, John Norman, “Bahian Elites, 1750–1822,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 53:3 (08 1973), 415–39;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBauer, Arnold J., Chilean Rural Society from the Spanish Conquest to 1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975);Google ScholarBrading, David A., Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763–1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971);Google ScholarSchwartz, Stuart B., Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973);Google Scholar Phelan, People and the King; Socolow, Susan Migden, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778–1810: Family and Commerce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1978);CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, “Marriage, Birth, and Inheritance: The Merchants of Eighteenth-Century Buenos Aires,” Hispanic American Historial Review, 60:3 (08 1980), 387–406;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBarbier, Jacques A., Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755–1796 (Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1980);Google ScholarLadd, Doris M., The Mexican Nobility at Independence, 1780–1826 (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1976).Google Scholar
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45 Some typical petitions for office: Solicitación, 1803, Fondo Varios, vol. 418, pieza 4; Solar, Domingo Amunátegui, La sociedad chilena del siglo XVIII: Mayorazgos i títulos de Castilla, 3 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Barcelona, 1901–1904);Google Scholar Relación de examen, 27 April 1790, Real Audiencia, vol. 598, pieza 2; 13 September 1790, vol. 1662, pieza 4; vol. 2787, pieza 7. On the importance of family relations for acquiring offices, see Barbier, , Reform and Politics, 109, 192–93.Google Scholar
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49 Chilean elite women tended to marry between ages fourteen and twenty-one, and marriages were arranged between cousins as early as age seven. Thirty-two was the average marriage age of seventeen titled Creole men whose careers I followed. By law, no child under age twenty-five could marry without parental approval; even over age twenty-five, lack of parental consent could mean forfeiting dowry and inheritance rights. Ots, José Maria, Instituciones sociales de la América Española en el período colonial (Buenos Aires: Imprenta Lopez, 1934), 121;Google Scholar quotations from Haenke, Thaddaus, Descripción del reyno de Chile (Santiago: Nascimento, 1942), 99;Google ScholarVidaurre, Gómez de, Historia geográfica, 289;Google ScholarBarbier, Jacques A., “Elites and Cadres in Bourbon Chile,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 52:3 (08 1972), 416–35.Google Scholar
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52 Birthplaces of mothers of twenty-four revolutionary leaders: Chile (15), Peru (2), Ireland (1), unknown (6). Of wives: Chile (11), unknown (8), unmarried (5). Of fathers: Spain (10), Chile (8), Ireland (2), Argentina (1), Peru (I), unknown (2). See Felstiner, "Larrain Family," appendix.
53 Egaña, Juan, El chileno consolado en los presidios (1825), AOH, XX, xxi:Google ScholarGrez, , Las mujeres, 54–55;Google ScholarOndarza O., Antonio S., Doña Javiera Carrera, heroúna de la Patria Vieja (Santiago: Editorial Neupert, 1967), 17–37.Google Scholar
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57 Bernardo O'Higgins later tried to imitate the qualities of govemance which won his father admiration, even after independence. Haigh, Samuel, Sketches of Buenos Ayres and Chile (London: J. Carpenter, 1829), 166;Google Scholar Collier, Ideas and Politics, 227.
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60 Humphreys, and Lynch, , Origins, 250–60;Google ScholarGonzalo Vial, Correa, “Teoría y práctica de la igualdad en Indias,” Historia, 3 (1964), 87–163;Google ScholarVillalobos, Meza, La conciencia política, 250;Google ScholarBurkholder, Mark A. and Chandler, D. S., From Impotence to Authority: The Spanish Crown and the American Audiencias, 1687–1808 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1977), 134, 91, 96, 110.Google Scholar For detailed examples of Bourbon attacks on local influence in Chile, see Barbier, , Reform and Politics, 110, 113, 187.Google Scholar
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66 One kinship group included the Larraín Salas brothers, Mackenna, Irisarri, Pérez, Rosales, Vicuña Larraín, Martínez de Rozas, Salas, Rojas, Infante, the Errázuriz brothers; another included the Carrera brothers, sister and father; those from outside Santiago included Egaña, Henríquez, O'Higgins, Vera y Pintado. See Felstiner, “Kinship Politics,” 73–74; and “Larrain Family,” appendix.
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70 7 June 1826, SCL, XII, 69.Google Scholar The campaign to suppress entails began in 1818, succeeded in 1857. The inheritance portions of the Civil Code were worked out in 1853. As in Spanish law, parents were required to leave three-fourths of the estate to their own children. Código civil de la República de Chile in Obras completas de Andres Bello (Caracas: Ministerio de Educación, 1954), XIII, 173, 199, 297, 299.Google ScholarUndurraga, Manuel Sommarriva, Derecho sucesorio (Santiago: Nascimento, 1961), 110.Google Scholar The heirs often ran their landed legacies as a single operation. Balmori, and Oppenheimer, , “Family Clusters,” 245–46.Google Scholar
71 The legal right to govern wife and minors included their litigation, contracts, debts, and loans. The code did not even bother to provide reasons why women could not exercise these rights, or manage the interests of their own children if their husbands died. Urquieta, Pedro Lira, El cóligo civil chileno y su época (Santiago: Editorial Juríclica, 1956), 8–65;Google ScholarAlvarez, Vicente Olea, Evolución histórica y análysis crítico de la sociedad conyugal de bienes en el código civil chileno (Santiago: Editorial Jurídica, 1966), 167–77, 192–96.Google Scholar Spanish colonial law concerning women's property is summarized in Asuncion Lavrin and Edith Couturier, “Dowries and Wills: A View of Women's Socioeconomic Role in Colonial Guadalajara and Puebla, 1640–1790,” Hispanic American Historical Review, 59:2 (05 1979), 280–304.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
72 Catastro de 1834, Santiago, Contaduría Mayor, segunda serie; Rejistro jeneral del catastro formado en el año 1852 (Santiago, 1855).Google Scholar The income figures in these registers were compiled by landowners for tax assessments, but they do give some sense of the relative position and continuity of landholders. See also Bauer, , Chilean Rural Society, 30–34.Google Scholar
73 See Felstiner, , “Kinship Politics,” 77;Google ScholarBalmori, and Oppenheimer, , “Family Clusters,” 239, 251;Google ScholarCruz, Guillermo Fetiú, Prólogo a la obra ‘La guerra civil de 1891’ de Hernán Ramírez (Santiago: n. p., 1951), 25–26.Google Scholar
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