Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-r5fsc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T04:23:09.010Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

PINDAR, OLYMPIAN 2.5–7, TEXT AND COMMENTARY—WITH EXCURSIONS TO ‘PERICTIONE’, EMPEDOCLES AND EURIPIDES’ HIPPOLYTUS

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 February 2021

M.S. Silk*
Affiliation:
King's College London
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In 1998, I suggested a new text for a notably corrupt passage in Pindar's Isthmian 5. This article is in effect a sequel to that earlier discussion. In the 1998 article, I proposed, inter alia, that the modern vulgate text of I. 5.58, ἐλπίδων ἔκνισ’ ὄπιν, is indefensible and the product of scribal corruption in antiquity, and that chief among the indefensible products of corruption there is the supposed secular use of ὄπις, as if used to mean something like ‘zeal’. This (as I hope to have demonstrated) is a sense for which there is no good evidence in classical Greek, where ὄπις always has a delimited religious denotation, meaning either (a) ‘gods’ response’, ‘divine retribution’, or else (b) ‘religious awe’ or ‘reverence’ towards the gods, through fear of that response or that retribution. If we discount I. 5.58 itself (and likewise the focus of the present article, O. 2.6), all the pre-Hellenistic attestations can be straightforwardly listed under these headings: (a) Il. 16.388 θεῶν ὄπιν οὐκ ἀλέγοντες, Od. 14.88 ὄπιδος κρατερὸν δέος, Hes. Theog. 221–2 θεαὶ . . . | . . . ἀπὸ τῷ δώωσι κακὴν ὄπιν, Pind. P. 8.71–2 θεῶν δ’ ὄπιν | ἄφθονον αἰτέω, sim. Od. 20.215, 21.28, Hes. Op. 187, 251, 706, along with, seemingly, a fragmentary fifth-century Thessalian verse inscription, CEG 1.120.1 Hansen; (b) Hdt. 9.76.2 θεῶν ὄπιν ἔχοντας, 8.143.2. In addition, one other instance can be interpreted as either (a) or (b), or in effect both: Od. 14.82 (of the suitors) οὐκ ὄπιδα φρονέοντες . . . οὐδ’ ἐλεητύν. In all cases, though, ‘gods’ are specified, usually as a dependent genitive with ὄπις, or else separately but in the near context. Hellenistic and later occurrences of the word are few, and (as I argued in 1998) hints there of a secular reading can actually be taken to reflect misunderstandings based on, precisely, the early corruption in I. 5.

Type
Research Article
Creative Commons
Creative Common License - CCCreative Common License - BY
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association

I THE CRUX AND THE SOLUTION

In 1998, I suggested a new text for a notably corrupt passage in Pindar's Isthmian 5.Footnote 1 This article is in effect a sequel to that earlier discussion. In the 1998 article, I proposed, inter alia, that the modern vulgate text of I. 5.58, ἐλπίδων ἔκνισ’ ὄπιν, is indefensible and the product of scribal corruption in antiquity, and that chief among the indefensible products of corruption there is the supposed secular use of ὄπις, as if used to mean something like ‘zeal’. This (as I hope to have demonstrated) is a sense for which there is no good evidence in classical Greek, where ὄπις always has a delimited religious denotation, meaning either (a) ‘gods’ response’, ‘divine retribution’, or else (b) ‘religious awe’ or ‘reverence’ towards the gods, through fear of that response or that retribution. If we discount I. 5.58 itself (and likewise the focus of the present article, O. 2.6), all the pre-Hellenistic attestations can be straightforwardly listed under these headings: (a) Il. 16.388 θεῶν ὄπιν οὐκ ἀλέγοντες, Od. 14.88 ὄπιδος κρατερὸν δέος, Hes. Theog. 221–2 θεαὶ . . . | . . . ἀπὸ τῷ δώωσι κακὴν ὄπιν, Pind. P. 8.71–2 θεῶν δ’ ὄπιν | ἄφθονον αἰτέω, sim. Od. 20.215, 21.28, Hes. Op. 187, 251, 706, along with, seemingly, a fragmentary fifth-century Thessalian verse inscription, CEG 1.120.1 Hansen; (b) Hdt. 9.76.2 θεῶν ὄπιν ἔχοντας, 8.143.2. In addition, one other instance can be interpreted as either (a) or (b), or in effect both: Od. 14.82 (of the suitors) οὐκ ὄπιδα φρονέοντες . . . οὐδ’ ἐλεητύν.Footnote 2 In all cases, though, ‘gods’ are specified, usually as a dependent genitive with ὄπις, or else separately but in the near context.Footnote 3 Hellenistic and later occurrences of the word are few, and (as I argued in 1998) hints there of a secular reading can actually be taken to reflect misunderstandings based on, precisely, the early corruption in I. 5.Footnote 4

In reviewing the evidence, I noted that the closest thing to an apparent parallel for the supposed secular sense of ὄπις is another corrupt Pindaric sequence, this one in O. 2, in praise of Thero of Acragas. After quoting the text as printed by Snell–Maehler (O. 2.5–7), I offered some comments on the passage:

Θήρωνα δὲ τετραορίας ἕνεκα νικαφόρου
γεγωνητέον, ὄπῑ [sic] δίκαιον ξένων, ἔρεισμ’ Ἀκράγαντος,
εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν.

ὄπῑ δίκαιον ξένων, ‘strict in his reverence towards strangers’ (LSJ): this is indeed the nearest thing to any sort of parallel for secular ὄπις in classical Greek. . . [But] this is only [Hermann's] conjectural text, rightly described by [one] recent editor [Willcock (1995), ad loc.] as quite ‘uncertain’. All manuscripts (supported by P.Oxy. 1614) point us to ΟΠΙ δίκαιον ξένον [which last word Hermann reinterpreted as the now universally accepted ξένων],Footnote 5 and in the Byzantine era, at least, ΟΠΙ was in fact interpreted as ὀπί, ‘voice’, and associated with the preceding word γεγωνητέον (witness the scholiastic glosses ἐμμελεστάτῳ ᾄσματι / ἐν λόγοις / φωνῇ [I. p. 110 Abel]). On metrical grounds this ὀπί (ᴗ ᴗ) can hardly be right, since ᴗ – is required; but then again, the ‘uncertain’ form ὄπι, which is accepted by most modern editors for its supposed metrical value ᴗ – , is nowhere attested with [or, on inspection, without] this value; and a glance at the range of alternative conjectures [Gerber (1976), 32] is enough to dispel any cosy belief that ὄπι, or any part of ὄπις, has even commended itself to all modern authorities on Pindar's text.Footnote 6

By way of clarification, I would now add that ὄπις itself is not a common word, and is used only in restricted grammatical cases (chiefly the accusative),Footnote 7 which makes the unattested ὄπι/ὄπῑ still more problematic, while the genitival relationship assumed by Hermann's ὄπι . . . ξένωνFootnote 8 only serves to highlight the anomalousness of a ‘reverence’ felt not for mighty gods (θεῶν ὄπιν ἔχοντας, Hdt. 9.76.2) but for vulnerable humans. Traditional Greek respect for strangers/guests indeed reflects, or is correlative to, the ultimate commitment to Zeus xenios (πρὸς . . . Διός εἰσιν . . . | ξεῖνοι, Od. 6.207–8), but feeling, or expressing, ὄπις for xenoi is as unlikely in this era as worshipping xenoi as gods themselves.Footnote 9

Meanwhile, in an aside in my earlier discussion, I added:

To the crux in O. 2.6 I have no solution, but note that, besides importing the ad hoc and otherwise unattested form ὄπῑ, the ‘uncertain’ text (coni. Hermann) offers a sequence, δίκαιον . . . , ἔρεισμ’ . . . , εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον, which is in effect a triadic structure, ABC τε. Such a structure is not common in any period (‘rarely, τε couples the last two units of an otherwise asyndetic sequence’: Denniston [1959], 501), and does not seem to occur in Pindar (see Slater [1969], 488–9).Footnote 10

For this corrupt passage in O. 2, I now propose a solution: not, as it turns out, a new solution. That is: this article will champion and elucidate one of the numerous existing proposals for the passage.Footnote 11 I start by first assuming the prima facie plausibility of Hermann's ξένων, not, indeed, because of its proposed connection with the hypothetical ὄπῑFootnote 12 but on metrical grounds. In the sequence ξένον ἔρεισμ’, the final syllable of ξένον must be heavy, (cor)responding to the final syllables of Ἀλφεοῦ (13), φιλεῖ (26), τελευτάσομεν ῥ- (33), πρέπει (46), δεδαιδαλμένος φ- (53), εὐορκίαις (66), δενδρέων (73), φυᾷ (86), πόλιν φ- (93). ξένον, before ἔρεισμ’, would be ᴗ ᴗ, whereas ξένων gives the requisite ᴗ –.Footnote 13 This ξένων, however, is not to be regarded as a textual emendation. It is a recognition that here, as elsewhere in Pindar, we have surviving traces of his use of the pre-Ionic alphabet,Footnote 14 in which Ο is indifferently ο or ω. And, as will soon be apparent,Footnote 15 Hermann's ξένων is clearly right, as against the substantial implausibility of his ὄπῑ—a problematic form of a wordFootnote 16 in a problematic sense—which the discussion that follows will show to be yet more implausible.Footnote 17

Putting ὄπῑ aside, now, we can more profitably focus on the issue of the triadic structure, ABC τε. Such a sequence, though it would be rash to call it impossible, is certainly suspect. On closer inspection, though, the sequence is seen to be not ABC τε at all but something even more suspect. The point is that, on reflection, the C (the sequence ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν with which the sentence ends) cannot be regarded as a single phraseological unit, as the attested usage of ἄωτος/-ον makes clear. I have reviewed the usage of this curious word on two previous occasions: in 1974, by way of explaining how limited is its supposed association with ‘flowers’;Footnote 18 and in 1983, in a discussion of its iconymic status, as a verse word ‘obsolete in the speech-community’, a word that has ‘lost its denotations’ and has no straightforward reference, but only ‘a few faint scattered connotations’.Footnote 19 Let us now reconsider the usage of the word, from yet another perspective.

The word ἄωτος/-ον occurs twenty-eight (or very possibly twenty-nine) times in pre-Hellenistic Greek. In Homer the word is attested five times, with reference to wool or linen cloth: Il. 9.661, 13.599, 13.716, Od. 1.443, 9.434. The seeming coherence of that usage implies that in ἄωτος/-ον we have a rare example of a subsequent iconym whose original (pre-iconymic) meaning we seem to knowFootnote 20—even if it is not at all obvious that our understanding of the post-Homeric outcomes is thereby enhanced. Those other twenty-three (or twenty-four) occurrences are all fifth-century, twenty of them in Pindar, and in all cases the word is used as if it meantFootnote 21 something elusively complimentary in the range of ‘the best’, ‘the paragon’, ‘the consummation’, ‘the glory’, ‘the glorious product’, ‘the glorious reward’. In all cases, too, the word belongs to a phrase with a dependent genitive noun, as if ‘the paragon of . . .’, ‘the glorious product of . . .’, ‘the glorious reward for . . .’.Footnote 22

The occurrences fall into two groups. In the larger group (a), the dependent genitive noun signifies a non-personal abstraction, or more concrete entity, indifferently singular or plural, with the genitival relation itself variable: in ‘Antigenes’, 1.3 Page FGE (= Simon. 148 Bergk4), ῥόδων ἀώτοις; and in Pindar, μουσικᾶς ἐν ἀώτῳ O. 1.15, ἵππων ἄωτον O. 3.4, στεφάνων ἄωτον γλυκύν (Pindar?) O. 5.1, χειρῶν ἄωτον . . . ἐπίνικον O. 8.75, στεφάνων ἄωτοι O. 9.19, ἱερὸν εὐζοίας ἄωτον P. 4.131, ἄωτος ὕμνων P. 10.53, Ἰσθμιάδων . . . κάλλιστον ἄωτον N. 2.9, δίκας ἄωτος N. 3.29, γλώσσας ἄωτον I. 1.51, ζωᾶς ἄωτον . . . τὸν ἄλπνιστον I. 5.12, ἄωτον . . . στεφάνων I. 6.4, σοφίας ἄωτον ἄκρον I. 7.18, Χαρίτων ἄωτον I. 8.16a, μέλιτος ἄωτον γλυκύν fr. 52f.59 S–M (= Pae. 6). In this group, however, the genitive, though variable, is never partitive. Thus, in O. 3.4, for instance, the ἄωτον ‘of the horses’ is not (e.g.) ‘the best of the horses’ but (something like) ‘the glorious tribute to the achievement of the horses’, namely Pindar's poetic ‘tribute’, while in P. 10.53 the ἄωτος ‘of songs’ is (something like) ‘the glorification arising from, or consisting in, this ode’; the ‘Antigenes’ is comparable (‘roses that glorify’).

In the second, smaller, group (b), the whole phrase refers to a person or persons; the genitive is always partitive; and the genitive noun itself is always in the plural (or else the noun or the plurality are implicit): in Pindar, ναυτᾶν ἄωτος P. 4.188, ἡρώων ἄωτοι N. 8.9, γενναίων ἄωτος fr. 6b(f) S–M, ἄωτος ἡρώων fr. 111a.7 S–M;Footnote 23 in Bacchylides, Ἀθανᾶν <εὔ>ανδρον ἱερᾶν ἄωτον 23.1 S–M (where ‘Athens’ is in effect metonymic for ‘Athenians’, and the supplement is Lobel's); and in Aeschylus, ἄωτον (sc. Ἀργείων) Supp. 666.Footnote 24 Here, clearly, belongs the instance at O. 2.7, πατέρων ἄωτον, while (the probable twenty-ninth attestation of the word) Page plausibly conjectured another instance at Aesch. Pers. 978, Περσᾶν τὸν ἄωτον.Footnote 25

The anomalousness of the supposed unitary phrase in O. 2, πατέρων ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν, comes into view when we scrutinize the structures of the phrasing in the post-Homeric passages. In most of the occurrences we find simple two-term phrases, ἄ. + genitive noun, as in δίκας ἄωτος (group [a]: N. 3.29) or ναυτᾶν ἄωτος (group [b]: P. 4.188). In four instances from the first group, ἄ. is additionally qualified by a simple intensifying adjective, hardly descriptive of the purported object (vel sim.): ἱερὸν εὐζοίας ἄωτον (P. 4.131), Ἰσθμιάδων . . . κάλλιστον ἄωτον (N. 2.9), ζωᾶς ἄωτον . . . τὸν ἄλπνιστον (I. 5.12), σοφίας ἄωτον ἄκρον (I. 7.18). In (Pindar's?) O. 5.1, the qualifying adjective, in effect intensifying, is marginally more descriptive—στεφάνων ἄωτον γλυκύν—while the same adjective occurs at fr. 52f.59 S–M: μέλιτος ἄωτον γλυκύν. In that last instance, one might still see the qualifier as intensifying, though it would make more sense to read it as metonymic (transferred epithet), semantically attachable to the genitive noun: the μέλι is literally γλυκύ. In the fragmentary sequence at Bacchyl. 23.1, from the second group, there is another metonymic transference—Ἀθανᾶν <εὔ>ανδρον ἱερᾶν ἄωτον—where it is Athens itself that is full of ‘good men’ and the Athenians themselves (implied in the name of the city) who actually are those ‘good men’. Then, in one Pindaric passage from group (a), O. 8.75, an adjectival metonymy is operative on a more elaborate basis: χειρῶν ἄωτον Βλεψιάδαις ἐπίνικον—where a ceremonial crown is ‘victorious reward for hands . . .’, that is, (in full) ‘glorious reward for hands that produced victory <in the wrestling competition> for <a new honorand from> the Blepsiad clan’.

The seeming collocation in O. 2.7, πατέρων ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν, is different in kind from any of these instances. The adjective is neither intensifying nor metonymic: it makes a new point, and its referent lies wholly outside the genitive phrase. It is not the ‘fathers’ who make, or keep, ‘the city upright’ but Thero, the honorand and focus of the praise: he is ὀρθόπολις. As such, though grammatically and positionally attachable to the ἄωτον phrase, the adjective is logically and semantically separate, and is thus, and would surely be felt as, a separate and self-contained item of praise. In effect, then, the weighty compound adjective ὀρθόπολιν would constitute a fourth, final member of the list: δίκαιον . . . , ἔρεισμ’ . . . , . . . ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν. Compare, for instance, the similarly weighty compound adjective that constitutes the final member of a shorter list at O. 13.4–5: τὰν ὀλβίαν Κόρινθον, Ἰσθμίου | πρόθυρον Ποτειδᾶνος, ἀγλαόκουρον. But if ὀρθόπολιν is a separate member, the list as it supposedly stands is now wholly anomalous: ABC τε D—a sequence much more improbable than ABC τε itself. Is such a counter-intuitive sequence ever attested in classical Greek? There is certainly nothing like it in Pindar, and no sign of anything like it elsewhere.Footnote 26

The obvious implication is that Pindar's τε does not connect two members (supposedly the last two members) of the list but two items within a single member. That is: the accepted division of phrases is wrong, and the accepted punctuation misleading.Footnote 27 Pindar's list ends not Ἀκράγαντος, | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον ὀρθόπολιν but, rather, Ἀκράγαντος | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν.Footnote 28 From which it follows that the division assumed for the previous member is wrong as well: so, not . . . ξένων, ἔρεισμ’ Ἀκράγαντος, | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον (where ξένων goes with the as yet undetermined word[s] preceding), but ξένων ἔρεισμ’, Ἀκράγαντος | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον.

All of which leaves us with a shorter problem-sequence to come to terms with: not (let us now confine ourselves to Pindaric capitals)Footnote 29 ΟΠΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝΞΕΝΟΝ (that is, following Hermann, . . . ξένων) but a seemingly self-contained phrase, or equivalent, ΟΠΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ, which (to restate) must be metrically ᴗ – ᴗ – –. Here ὀπί (ᴗ ᴗ, not ᴗ –) is out of the question, while the hypothetical ὄπῑ, now without an explanatory genitive, is even less plausible than it was with one.Footnote 30 The solution is to posit a simple scribal slip, ΟΠΑΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ > ΟΠΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ—which, it will become apparent, must have occurred in antiquity itselfFootnote 31—and restore the text with a self-contained elliptical clause, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον.

This solution, as I have indicated, has been anticipated in earlier scholarship. Bergk's apparatus criticus, in the second edition of his Poetae Lyrici Graeci (1853), notes that MS G contains the gloss (‘supra’) ὅπως, καθώς, on which he comments: ‘unde elicias γεγωνητέον, ὅπα [sic] δίκαιον, ξένον vel ξένων ἔρεισμ’, Ἀκράγαντος εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων κτλ.’Footnote 32 Then in Bowra's OCT (1935/47), the apparatus criticus records: ‘ὅπᾳ Mair coll. gl. G ὅπως, καθώς’.Footnote 33 Although ὅπᾳ (sic) is demonstrably right,Footnote 34 neither Bowra nor Bergk thought well enough of it to print it in the text, but Bergk—however unconvinced himself—correctly divined the knock-on effect for the division of the two phrases that follow (albeit not the separate issue about the division of the items at the end of the sentence).Footnote 35

A few words on MS G: Gottingensis philol. 29 (mid thirteenth century). In his account of the history of Pindar's text, Irigoin ([1952], 170–6) makes it clear that G is an important and independent witness, and that its scholia include ‘scholies de type ancien’ ([1952], 172, 174), along with additional material from the Byzantine scholar Manuel Moschopoulos ([1952], 172). The gloss under discussion must itself be ‘ancien’, reflecting an earlier text with ΟΠΑΙ/ὅπᾳ: it is surely inconceivable that any medieval scholar would have independently offered a new gloss, ὅπως, καθώς, on a text with ΟΠΙ (whether read as ὀπί or as ὄπι)—whereas one notes that elsewhere in Pindar a straightforwardly attested (if grammatically rather different) ὅπᾳ attracts the scholiastic gloss ὅπως likewise.Footnote 36 In the relevant (first) volume of his Scholia Vetera in Pindari Carmina (1903), Drachmann makes no mention of G's gloss, though citing G for the lines immediately following.Footnote 37 In his preface (I, page ix), he explains: ‘codicem [sc. G] non totum contuli (quod nunc paenitet)’. Drachmann's relative inattention to G has no doubt contributed to the subsequent inattention to the crucial gloss; it remains regrettable (‘quod nunc paenitet’).

And now the important evidence of P.Oxy. 1614 (= Π1 in Snell–Maehler: fifth or sixth century a.d.). In the transcription by the editors, Grenfell and Hunt, the relevant portion of this papyrus reads:Footnote 38

ΓΕΓΩΝΗΤΕΟΝ ΟΠΙ
ΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ ΞΕΝΟΝ
ΕΡΕΙΣΜ’ ΑΚΡΑΓΑΝΤΟΣ
ΕΥΩΝΥΜΩΝ ΔΕ ΠΑΤΕΡΩΝ
ΑΩΤΟΝ ΟΡΘΟΠΟΛΙΝ

Like the medieval manuscripts of O. 2, then, the papyrus has ΟΠΙ (and ΞΕΝΟΝ),Footnote 39 from which it follows that our corruption is early and belongs to the era of undivided capitals. No less noteworthy: from ΕΡΕΙΣΜ’ to ΟΡΘΟΠΟΛΙΝ, the word-groupings on the papyrus correspond to those assumed in modern scholarship. That is: the essentially colometric layout of words on the papyrus (presumably Alexandrian in origin) no doubt facilitated erroneous presumptions about sense division—in line with modern (mis)understandings (ἔρεισμ’ with Ἀκράγαντος;Footnote 40 ὀρθόπολιν with ἄωτον).

What are the palaeographical implications of our restoration? In scribal activity, almost anything can be miswritten as almost anything else, but across the centuries, both in antiquity and later in the Middle Ages, some errors are much more common than others. And ΑΙ > Ι is not especially common, and certainly less common than (for instance) ΑΙ > Α. Very relevantly, though, given the evident antiquity of the corruption, ΑΙ > Ι is reasonably well attested in ancient capitals (see [i] below). The slip is hardly so complicated as to call for special explanations, but in O. 2 more than one such explanation is readily available in the event. The misreading of ΟΠΑΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ as ΟΠΙΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ would seem to involve a kind of anticipatory haplography from the syllables immediately following (-ΠΑΙ-ΔΙ-ΚΑΙ- > -ΠΙ-ΔΙ-ΚΑΙ-), while, after γεγωνητέον, a sequence ΟΠΙ (as if ὀπί, ‘voice’) could of course feel speciously natural;Footnote 41 then again, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον, though perfectly Greek and eminently Pindaric in spirit, is not familiar as a specifiable Pindaric phrase (see [ii] below).

[i] ΑΙ > Ι. Examples from antiquity, both from papyri and, earlier, from inscriptions, include a range of types and contexts. In Eur. Bacch. 1096, for instance, P.Oxy. 2223 (first century a.d.) has ΚΡΑΤΙΒΟΛΟΥΣ for ΚΡΑΤΑΙ- (see Diggle, OCT). Compare three non-literary examples from papyri cited by Mayser–Schmoll 1.12 (1970), 86: ΕΓΜΕΤΡΗΣΙ (for -ΣΑΙ), P.Cair.Zen. 59317.2 (a letter of the third century b.c.); ΕΛΙΟΥ (for -ΑΙΟΥ), UPZ 35.11 (a letter of the second century b.c.); ΑΠΟΣΤΑΤΙΣ (for -ΑΙΣ), P.Teb. 888 (a wine account of the second century b.c.). Compare two examples from inscriptions: ΧΑΜΙ (for ΧΑΜΑΙ), SEG 26.1115.1 (Megarian inscription from Selinus, early fifth century b.c.), and ΦΙΔΡΙΟΥ (for ΦΑΙΔ-), SEG 28.155.8 (Attic inscription, c.300 b.c.). Likewise, for the record, one might note some random minuscule miscopyings (but copyings from uncials?) elsewhere in Pindar: O. 9.96, ΛΥΚ<Α>ΙΟΥ, cod. H (see Turyn's apparatus criticus, on his O. 9.103); P. 3.78, ΜΕΛΠΟΝΤ<Α>Ι, codd. CV; P. 11.57, ΓΛΥΚΥΤΑΤ<Α>Ι (that is, γλυκυτάτᾳ), cod. V.

[ii] Pindar's ὅπᾳ δίκαιον is an elliptical parenthetic clause, approximately equivalent to the δίκα phrase at P. 9.95–6, αἰνεῖν . . . | παντὶ θυμῷ σύν τε δίκᾳ, or the semantically comparable one-word adverb at O. 3.7–9, χρέος . . . | . . . πρεπόντως . . . με γεγωνεῖν: ‘in a way worthy of [the laudandus]’, as Verdenius (ad loc.) renders πρεπόντως there. Pindaric praise is required to be, and is often specified as, ‘worthy’.Footnote 42 ὅπᾳ itself is attested as a conjunction elsewhere in Pindar (O. 10.56, N. 3.25), albeit not in a precisely equivalent construction.Footnote 43 Pindar has no aversion to the given kind of elliptical clause: compare εἰ δυνατόν at N. 9.28. Then, in fifth- and fourth-century Greek in general, the neuter adjective δίκαιον, with ellipse of the copula, is a well-attested usage:Footnote 44 Democr. 265 καὶ γὰρ δίκαιον οὕτως, Eur. Cyc. 150 δίκαιον (as a one-word sentence), Hippoc. Prorrh. 2.12 Potter καὶ γὰρ δίκαιον οὕτως, Lys. 20.30 ἀλλ’ οὐ δίκαιον, Pl. Grg. 463c οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον. Equally well attested is the equivalent usage in dependent clauses with conjunctions equivalent to ὅπᾳ/ὅπῃ: Timocreon 2 PMG ὡς ἐοικὸς καὶ δίκαιον,Footnote 45 Eur. Hipp. 1307 ὥσπερ οὖν δίκαιον, Antipho 3.4.10 ὥσπερ ὅσιον καὶ δίκαιον, Pl. Leg. 659b ὥς γε τὸ δίκαιον. Meanwhile, ὅπᾳ/ὅπῃ itself features in comparable abbreviated clauses with other neuter adjectives: Pl. Phlb. 50e ὅπῃ σοι φίλον, Xen. An. 2.1.19 ὅπῃ δυνατόν, 6.4.3 ὅπῃ ἐλάχιστον.Footnote 46 Furthermore, in intriguing relation to Pindar's usage, there is a legal formula, attested in Doric treaties recorded by Thucydides, where ὅπᾳ itself introduces a clause with δίκαιον in the superlative. At Thuc. 5.79.3 we find the sequence ὅπᾳ κα δικαιότατα κρίναντας τοῖς ξυμμάχοις (the parties agree to ‘decree as shall stand most with equity towards the confederates’), and at 5.77.6 ὅπᾳ κα δικαιότατα δοκῇ τοῖς Πελοποννασίοις (‘as . . . shall by the Peloponnesians be thought [most] reasonable’).Footnote 47 Compare (without any form of δίκαιον) this, from the mid fifth-century Gortyn Law Code: ὄπᾳ κα <νύ>νανται κάλλιστα (Solmsen–Fraenkel, 40.12, 31). In Pindar's text, all in all, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον is an eminently plausible sequence; its precise tone and its other implications can be considered in more detail later.Footnote 48

II COMMENTARY

5      Θήρωνα δὲ τετραορίας ἕνεκα νικαφόρου
6      γεγωνητέον, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον, ξένων ἔρεισμ’, Ἀκράγαντος
7      εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν.
But Thero, by virtue of his victorious chariot,
Is to be acclaimed, justly, as mainstay of strangers/guests, as paragon
Of Acragas and its/his famous ancestors, as upholder of the city.

The overall logic of the sentence is characteristically Pindaric: in the light of his victory, Thero is to be acclaimed as . . . something else as well: great host, fine representative of Acragas and his family, supreme statesman. ‘Pindar sometimes acclaims an athletically successful subject, both as such and also, simultaneously, on other grounds’ (Silk [2012], 356–7)—as e.g. at I. 1.32–8 (ibid.), O. 7.15–17, O. 13.1–3, I. 2.12–17, I. 4.2–3. The ἕνεκα phrase in 5 virtually amounts to ‘in the context of’, like e.g. the ἕνεκεν at N. 10.3: cf. LSJ s.v. ἕνεκα I.2, Gerber on ἕνεκεν at O. 1.99 and Slater (1969), 176 on the same passage, s.v. ἕνεκεν.

τετραορίας . . . νικαφόρου: ‘victorious chariot’ as metonymic inversion for ‘chariot victory’—privileging the more concrete (chariot) over the less (victory). Cf., more elaborately, N. 1.7 ἅρμα δ’ ὀτρύνει Χρομίου . . . ἔργμασιν νικαφόροις ἐγκώμιον ζεῦξαι μέλος (‘Chromios’ chariot prompts me to yoke a song of celebration for victorious deeds’) and, more generally, Pindar's instinct for concrete metonyms: P. 1.66 κλέος ἄνθησεν αἰχμᾶς (with ‘spear’ for ‘fighting spirit’: Slater [1969], 22, s.v. αἰχμά, c); P. 9.12 γλυκεραῖς εὐναῖς (‘beds’ for ‘acts of love’) (on these two passages, cf. Matzner [2016], 67–8, 60–1). Contrast the ‘abstract for concrete’ manoeuvres at e.g. O. 1.95 (with Gerber ad loc.), O. 10.72 (with Verdenius ad loc.).

γεγωνητέον: the earliest datable attestation (476 b.c.) of any verbal form in -τέος/-τέον. Such forms are predominantly Attic and only come into view ‘in der attischen Blütezeit’: Kühner–Gerth 2.1.447 (see 2.1.447–8; cf. Schwyzer [1939–71], 1.810–11; Moorhouse [1982], 171–2). In Attic the earliest datable uses (467 b.c.) are in Aesch. Sept. (499 φυλακτέον, 600 κομιστέος), and in Attic tragedy most of the occurrences (like those two) are in dialogue. Outside Attic, uses are rare in verse: Thgn. 689 πημαντέον (earlier than our passage?), Orph. 21.7 DK τλητέα. Non-Attic prose-uses include (e.g.) Hdt. 1.120.6 προοπτέον, Hippoc. Flat. 1 ἰητέον, Hippoc. Vict. 1.27 διακτέον, Hippoc. Acut. 18 (= 6 Littré) τιμωρητέον. ‘Distinctly prosaic’, suggest Buck–Peterson (1944), 530, but the instances in Aeschylus (above) and the common occurrence of -τέον in Sophocles (e.g. Aj. 1140 θαπτέον, OT 628 ἀρκτέον) and Euripides (e.g. Hipp. 491 διιστέον, Or. 769 οἰστέον: the latter in recitative) indicate that this is a very questionable characterization.

The three accusatives (ἔρεισμ’, ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν) are governed by γεγωνητέον in the double-accusative construction common with verbs of praise in Pindar's odes: we acclaim x as y. Likewise, γεγωνέω at P. 9.3–4 Τελεσικράτη . . . γεγωνεῖν | ὄλβιον ἄνδρα, διωξίππου στεφάνωμα Κυράνας, and similarly (e.g.) αἰνέω at O. 4.14–16, ἐπαινέω at O. 13.1–3, κελαδέω at I. 1.52–4. Commentators and others are reluctant to acknowledge the construction (LSJ is silent in all such cases), seemingly taking the y as appositional to the x (or to the sentence: cf. e.g. Carey on P. 9.3–4, above).Footnote 49 Slater (1969), 105 correctly has ‘c. acc. dupl.’ for P. 9.3 (s.v. γεγωνέω) and (page 275) for I. 1.54 (s.v. κελαδέω), but not for the other instances cited above, including our O. 2 passage.

ὅπᾳ δίκαιον: as our earlier findings indicate (pages 504 and 506–7 above), the restored phrase, vouched for by the gloss in MS G, is an isolated expression in Pindar, but comparable with (e.g.) the simpler σὺν . . . δίκᾳ at P. 9.96 (αἰνεῖν . . . | παντὶ θυμῷ σύν τε δίκᾳ καλὰ ῥέζοντ’). The sentiment that this particular acclamation is ‘worthy’ and ‘appropriate’ is echoed at O. 3.9, in the parallel ode for the same victory: πρεπόντως . . . γεγωνεῖν.Footnote 50 In Pindar, ‘appropriate’ praise for the laudandus is frequently signalled as such, as it is again later in O. 2 itself: πρέπει τὸν Αἰνησιδάμου | ἐγκωμίων τε μελέων λυρᾶν τε τυγχανέμεν (46–7). The principle is asserted in general terms in one of his encomia: πρέπει δ’ ἐσλοῖσιν ὑμνεῖσθαι (fr. 121 S–M).

With the compressed clause, compare εἰ δυνατόν at N. 9.28 (with Braswell ad loc.)—another isolated expression in Pindar, like ὅπᾳ δίκαιον here—and the parallel compressions like Xenophon's ὅπῃ δυνατόν (An. 2.1.19) and Timocreon's ὡς ἐοικὸς καὶ δίκαιον (2 PMG) cited above (page 507). The seeming allusion to legal formulas (ὅπᾳ κα δικαιότατα . . . : ibid.) invests Pindar's praise of Thero with a distinctive authority: the praise is not just ‘appropriate’ but also, somehow, has the force of law. In Pindar, δίκα is often associated with praise: cf. again P. 9.95–6 αἰνεῖν . . . | σὺν . . . δίκᾳ (likewise Bacchyl. 13.201–2 αἰνείτω σοφὸν ἄνδρα | σὺν δίκᾳ), along with (e.g.) O. 6.12 αἶνος . . . ἐν δίκᾳ, N. 3.29 ἕπεται . . . λόγῳ δίκας ἄωτος, ἐσλὸν αἰνεῖν. Yet, here it is as if he is insisting on the wider connotations of δίκα/δίκαιος and specifically on a reciprocal implication that Thero's own actions and achievements are themselves ‘lawful’ and ‘just’ (note the corollary at N. 5.14, αἰδέομαι μέγα εἰπεῖν ἐν δίκᾳ τε μὴ κεκινδυνευμένον).

The tone of the sequence γεγωνητέον, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον is not easy to assess. The -τέον is clearly a modernism,Footnote 51 and ὅπᾳ δίκαιον too, to judge from the distribution of comparable examples (pages 506–7 above); as a lexical item, γεγωνέω is standard usage, verse and prose, from Homer onwards (LSJ s.v.). Epicisms abound in Pindar, but one notes the absence of any specifiable epicism here (such as the imagined ὄπῑ would yield: see n. 16 above). Some of the various ellipses in which ὅπᾳ is seen to participate elsewhere look colloquial (καρυξῶ Δικαιόπολιν ὅπᾳ, Ar. Ach. 748), but there is nothing to suggest that here, and the apparent legal associations of ὅπᾳ δίκαιον certainly pull in a different direction. The predominant tone would seem to be one of contemporaneity. Thero, if not exactly, like W.S. Gilbert's Stanley, a ‘modern Major-General’,Footnote 52 is pre-eminently a great figure of ‘our’ time—but then, this is contemporaneity at once allied to ancestral achievement (εὐωνύμων . . . πατέρων).

Beside its role in the immediate context, δίκαιον, at the start of the ode, introduces a theme that plays an important part in the impact of the ode as a whole. In O. 2, δίκα and its cognates recur in a way that links Thero's beneficence and achievement (celebrated here) with righteous behaviour in this world and the next (ἐν δίκᾳ τε καὶ παρὰ δίκαν, 16; μείναντες ἀπὸ πάμπαν ἀδίκων, 69), with judgement in the next (κατὰ γᾶς δικάζει τις, 59) and, at the end of the ode, with the importance of poetic propriety in celebration itself (αἶνον ἐπέβα κόρος | οὐ δίκᾳ συναντόμενος, 95–6). This is the unity of ‘associative co-presence’ so characteristic of Pindar: Silk (2012), 356–64.

ξένων ἔρεισμ’: on the reinterpretation of ΞΕΝΟΝ as ξένων, see above (page 501). In Pindar's epinicians, the proper response to xenoi (which would often include the poet himself, as beneficiary of ἀνδρὸς φιλοξείνου: N. 1.19–24) is a constant theme: cf. Pavese (1966), 109 n. 16; Carey (1995), 94–5. Just as, later in the poem, Thero is φίλοις . . . | εὐεργέταν (93–4: cf. pages 511–12 below), so here he is a ‘prop’ or ‘support’ or ‘mainstay’ for xenoi. This usage of ἔρεισμα belongs to a series of semi-conventional honorific metaphors, favoured especially by Pindar, but whose original models are πύργος, ἔρκος and ἕρμα in their Homeric uses: Ἀργείοισι | . . . πύργος, of Ajax (Od. 11.555–6); ἕρκος Ἀχαιῶν, again of Ajax (Il. 3.229); ἕρμα πόληος, of Sarpedon (Il. 16.549) and the Ithacans (Od. 23.121). The ‘supportive’ source is sometimes a city (vel sim.), sometimes a man (ditto), and in Pindar—distinctively—the beneficiary may be, precisely, xenoi.Footnote 53 Thus Ἕκτορα . . . Τροίας | . . . κίονα (O. 2.81–2) but also τάνδ’ ἁλιερκέα χώραν [sc. Aegina] | . . . ξένοις | κίονα (O. 8.25–7).Footnote 54 Likewise, Thgn. 233–4 πύργος . . . δήμῳ | . . . ἐσθλὸς ἀνήρ and Alcaeus 112.10 L–P ἄνδρες . . . πόλιος πύργος, whereas in Pindar the enduring ὄλβος of Battos, more elaborately, is hailed as πύργος ἄστεος ὄμμα τε φαεννότατον | ξένοισι (P. 5.55–7). In the metaphorical uses of ἔρεισμα, the actual recipients of the ‘support’ may themselves be cities or countries, as in fr. 76.2 S–M, Ἑλλάδος ἔρεισμα (Hellas ‘supported’ by Athens), or else groups of people, as in Eur. IA 952, ἔρεισμα βαρβάρων (barbaroi ‘supported’ by Mt Sipylus), or as with the ξένων here.Footnote 55 Elsewhere in Pindar, simpler tropes are used to characterize the relation between honorand and xenoi: at P. 3.71 Hiero is ξείνοις . . . πατήρ and at O. 13.2–3 the οἶκον of Xenophon of Corinth is ξένοισι . . . θεράποντα. Much more flamboyant is Empedocles, fr. 112.3 DK, where—as so often in Pindar—the proper response to xenoi is articulated in metaphor, and specifically the Acragantines are called ξείνων αἰδοῖοι λιμένες. In context, the phrase looks remarkably like a response to Pindar's (Appendix B, pages 516–17 below), and, as such, represents confirmation of our restored text. Further confirmation, it might well be thought, is provided by the fact that, whereas ξένων ἔρεισμα makes a distinctive point in the sequence of commendations, the supposed collocation ἔρεισμ’ Ἀκράγαντος would effectively be duplicated by ὀρθόπολιν at the end of the sentence.

In retrospect, it becomes apparent that the parenthetic ὅπᾳ δίκαιον applies, not just to the propriety of praise (γεγωνητέον) but, apo koinou,Footnote 56 to the terms of praise now specified, especially the first one, ξένων ἔρεισμ’. The connotations of δίκαιον, that is, remain active, because (as Pindar repeatedly reminds us) ‘supporting’ xenoi is itself a matter of δίκα: O. 13.2–7 οἶκον . . . | ξένοισι . . . θεράποντα . . . [in Corinth, where] . . . Εὐνομία ναίει κασιγνήτα τε . . . | Δίκα; N. 4.12 δίκᾳ ξεναρκέϊ; I. 9.5–6 οὐ θέμιν οὐδὲ δίκαν | ξείνων ὑπερβαίνοντες. Pindar has not, indeed, invented the association: cf. Od. 6.120–1 δίκαιοι ~ φιλόξεινοι, Hes. Op. 225–6 δίκας ξείνοισι . . . δίδουσιν | ἰθείας καὶ μή τι παρεκβαίνουσι δικαίου, Aesch. fr. 196.1–2 Radt ἐνδικώτατον | . . . καὶ φιλοξενώτατον, Bacchyl. 14.23 φιλοξείνου τε καὶ ὀρθοδίκου, Eur. Alc. 1147–8 δίκαιος ὢν | . . . εὐσέβει περὶ ξένους.

Ἀκράγαντος | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων: a typically Pindaric kind of double specification, almost a hendiadys; cf. N. 5.8 Αἰακίδας ἐγέγαιρεν ματρόπολίν τε, N. 9.14 πατρίων οἴκων ἀπό τ’ Ἄργεος, O. 3.38–9 Ἐμμενίδαις | Θήρωνί τ’ (Thero is an Emmenid).Footnote 57 In all the examples cited, the particle τε isolates, therefore foregrounds, a proper name, as here Ἀκράγαντος: Thero (we are to agree) is the supreme representative of his city, Acragas, as well as of the Emmenids, his clan.

πατέρων ἄωτον: hyperbolic, in so far as, when used of people partitively (above, pages 502–3), ἄ. + genitive plural implies that the subject is one of the plurality: compare the hyperbolic superlatives in Soph. Ant. 100–2 (with Jebb ad loc.) or Milton's ‘fairest of her daughters, Eve’ (Paradise Lost, 4.324). The hyperbole is lessened by Ἀκράγαντος—as if ‘the finest representative of Acragas, including his own ancestors’. With Ἀκράγαντος, ἄωτον functions like its counterpart in Ἀθανᾶν . . . ἄωτον at Bacchyl. 23.1; with πατέρων, like ναυτᾶν ἄωτος at P. 4.188. On the iconym ἄωτος/-ον, its occurrences and its usage, see pages 502–3 above.

ὀρθόπολιν: the adjective goes not (aberrantly) with ἄωτον but (straightforwardly) with the underlying subject Θήρωνα, as the last item in an unconnected (asyndetic) list (pages 503–4 above); similarly O. 13.4–5 τὰν ὀλβίαν Κόρινθον, Ἰσθμίου | πρόθυρον Ποτειδᾶνος, ἀγλαόκουρον, where ἀγλαόκουρον goes with Κόρινθον, not with πρόθυρον. The adjective ὀρθόπολις is rare in the extreme: in antiquity only attested otherwise in a Pisidian verse inscription of the Roman era (BCH 23 [1899], 302), as a proper name (as in Strabo 7 fr. 16.11 Radt and Pausanias 2.5.8) and with explicit allusion to Pindar in Himerius (Orat. 38.75 Colonna) and Libanius (Epist. 288.1). Libanius’ reference (τὸν ὀρθόπολιν, εἶπεν ἂν Πίνδαρος) conveniently suggests that the compound was Pindar's coinage or, at least, effectively his property, with no independent life outside O. 2 itself. The first element, ὀρθο-, is verbal in force (Σικελίαν . . . ὀρθώσειν N. 1.15, πόλις . . . ὀρθωθεῖσα I. 5.48), like the first elements in ἀρχέπολις (of the nymph Κυράνα: P. 9.54), φερέπολις (of personified Τύχα: fr. 39 S–M), ἐρυσίπτολις (of Athena: Il. 6.305). The parallels are indicative of the high pitch of Pindar's praise of Thero in this passage.

What follows after ὀρθόπολιν is a celebration of the πατέρων: καμόντες οἳ πολλὰ θυμῷ | ἱερὸν ἔσχον οἴκημα ποταμοῦ . . . (8–9). With ὀρθόπολιν a distinct item in the list, that sequence is seen to involve a very Pindaric dislocation of the relative pronoun from its antecedent. With πατέρων ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν· | καμόντες οἵ . . . , compare, later in the ode (79–81), Ἀχιλλέα τ’ ἔνεικ’, ἐπεὶ Ζηνὸς ἦτορ | λιταῖς ἔπεισε, μάτηρ· | ὅς . . . In all such cases, the effect is to highlight the new topic, even at the cost of an abrasive switch (as, strikingly, in the later passage).

ΙΙΙ ECHOES

Towards the end of O. 2, at lines 93–5, Pindar picks up the topic of Thero's beneficence to xenoi: in a hundred years, no city has produced φίλοις ἄνδρα μᾶλλον | εὐεργέταν πραπίσιν ἀφθονέστερόν τε χέρα | Θήρωνος. In passing, one notes the concrete force of Thero's ‘hand’.Footnote 58 Less noteworthy in itself: the momentary concreteness precisely matches the implicit physicality of ξένων ἔρεισμ’ in line 6. ‘Ηands’ are hardly what ‘support’ the xenoi there, but ἐρείδειν and χείρ are readily associable in Greek usage (ἔρεισμα itself is not common enough to show up the association): Il. 5.309 ἐρείσατο χειρί; 11.235 ἐπὶ δ’ αὐτὸς ἔρεισε, βαρείῃ χειρὶ πιθήσας; Od. 11.426 χερσὶ . . . σὺν . . . στόμ’ ἐρεῖσαι; Hippoc. Art. 58 τῇ χειρὶ . . . ἐρείδεσθαι, 11 τῇ χειρὶ ἐπερείδειν, 52 τῇ χειρὶ πρὸς τὴν γῆν ἀπερειδόμενοι. Meanwhile, the φίλοι to whom Thero has shown himself a εὐεργέτας in lines 93–5 doubtless are, or subsume, xenoi: cf. I. 6.70 ξένων εὐεργασίαις ἀγαπᾶται. The association of ξένος and φίλος is familiar in Greek usage more generally, from epic-era verse (Il. 6.224 ξεῖνος φίλος; Od. 1.313 φίλοι ξεῖνοι; CEG 1.453 Hansen ξένϜος τε φίλος: Ithacan inscription, c.700 b.c.) to classical prose (Xen. An. 2.1.5 φίλος καὶ ξένος; sim. Lys. 19.19, Dem. 21.110, Aeschin. 3.224) and Pindar himself (N. 5.8, 7.61–3). The echo is hardly perceptible—which tells us what? That, for Pindar, unobtrusive self-echoing is, or may be, a significant mode of composition.

A more consequential example, for present purposes, is provided by the echoes of our passage in the parallel ode, O. 3, a second celebration of the victory that is the occasion for O. 2. As with at least one other group of related poems in Pindar's epinician collection, private compositional imperatives lead the poet to recall phraseology or verbal sequences from one ode to another, far beyond any question of Lieblingswörter or, indeed, random repetition. The case in point is the three pankration odes for the brothers Pytheas and Phylacidas, N. 5, I. 5 and I. 6, where the phenomenon is surely beyond dispute.Footnote 59 In particular, I. 5, the latest of the three, shows such striking correspondences as these, with the earlier I. 6:

Αἰακοῦ παίδων –– συμμάχοιςFootnote 60 –– πόλιν Τρώων –– σύν ––– πέφνον –– χαλκοάραν (I. 5.35–41)
χαλκοχάρμαν –– σύμμαχον ἐς Τροΐαν –– πέφνεν δὲ σύν –– Αἰακίδαν (I. 6.27–35),

‘where the χαλκο- compounds and the noun σύμμαχος (not otherwise attested in Pindar) are distinctive’.Footnote 61 With O. 2 and O. 3, it is impossible to know which ode was composed first, but that hardly matters. The point is that the two commemorations of Thero's Olympic victory contain comparable echoes (‘allusions’ would be an inappropriate characterization)Footnote 62 and that, as will become apparent, the echoes serve to strengthen the case for the textual restoration proposed for O. 2.Footnote 63

There are, of course, substantive elements in common between O. 2 and O. 3. Not only do the poems celebrate the same victor and the same victory; they share at least one noteworthy mythological connection. Heracles figures in both odes, while, specifically, both the opening of O. 2 and the closure of O. 3 associate Thero and Heracles as great achievers: Ὀλυμπιάδα δ’ ἔστασεν Ἡρακλέης | ἀκρόθινα πολέμου· | Θήρωνα δὲ . . . | γεγωνητέον (O. 2.3–6); νῦν δὲ πρὸς ἐσχατιὰν Θήρων ἀρεταῖσιν ἱκάνων ἅπτεται | οἴκοθεν Ἡρακλέος σταλᾶν (O. 3.43–4). Much less striking, no doubt, but much more to the point, is the set of correspondences in the following two passages (the second of which subsumes that same closure), where any overt substantive connection is lacking. The first passage belongs to Pindar's remarkable depiction of the afterlife; the second, to the sequence that begins with Heracles’ foundation of the Olympic games and ends with the poet's affirmation of limits:

κενεὰνFootnote 64 –– νέμονται αἰῶνα –– ψυχάν, ἔτειλαν –– μακάρων –– περιπνέοισιν –– χρυσοῦ –– δενδρέων, ὕδωρ –– ὀρθαῖσι (O. 2.65–75)
Ὀρθωσίας –– πνοιαῖς –– ψυχροῦ –– δένδρεα –– ἀγῶνα νέμειν –– μακάρων τελετάς –– ὕδωρ –– χρυσὸς –– κενεόςFootnote 65 (O. 3.30–45).

In the I. 5/I. 6 example, the correspondences largely involve repeated words or word-elements (πέφνον/πέφνεν), but also sound-echoes (χαλκοάραν/χαλκοχάρμαν). So too here we have κενεάν/κενεός but also νέμονται αἰῶνα/ἀγῶνα νέμειν.Footnote 66

In this light, two other—much shorter—sequences have a special relevance. First, we have the correspondence, both in word and sound, between O. 2.6–7 Ἀκράγαντος | εὐωνύμων τε πατέρων ἄωτον, ὀρθόπολιν and O. 3.3–4 (likewise early in its ode) ὕμνον ὀρθώσαις, ἀκαμαντοπόδων | ἵππων ἄωτον, or specifically:

Ἀκράγαντο- –– -ύμων –– -ων ἄωτον, ὀρθό- (O. 2.6–7)
ὕμνον ὀρθώ- –– ἀκαμαντο- –– -ων ἄωτον (O. 3.3–4).

Here, it is arguably no coincidence that in the O. 3 sequence the ἀκαμαντο- element (like the echoic Ἀκράγαντο- in O. 2)Footnote 67 goes closely with the ἄωτον that follows. In Pindar's authorial-compositional mind, the shape of the phrasing is determinative.

Finally, the early part of O. 3, again, has a revealing correspondence, part verbal, part semantic, with the restored phrase that is at the centre of our argument. With γεγωνητέον, ὅπᾳ δίκαιον at O. 2.6, compare πρεπόντως . . . γεγωνεῖν at O. 3.9.Footnote 68 The latter phrasing emerges from a much more intricate sequence, indeed (O. 3.6–9):

. . . στέφανοι
πράσσοντί με τοῦτο θεόδματον χρέος,
φόρμιγγά τε ποικιλόγαρυν καὶ βοὰν αὐλῶν ἐπέων τε θέσιν
Αἰνησιδάμου παιδὶ συμμεῖξαι πρεπόντως, ἅ τε Πίσα με γεγωνεῖν.

The kinship, however, is apparent. Here, as with the ἀκαμαντοπόδων sequence, Pindar's perhaps unexpected compositional habits have given us a correspondence that tends to confirm the plausibility of a corrected text.Footnote 69

APPENDIX A: ‘PERICTIONE’ (see n. 7 above)

Meineke's ὄπις in ‘Perictione’ apud Stob. 4.25.50 Wachsmuth–Hense: this is a flowery neo-Pythagorean paragraph on the right treatment of parents by (especially) daughters, written in quasi-Ionic Greek, probably in the second century a.d.Footnote 70 The passage as transmitted is seriously corrupt. Meineke provided various improvements and at least one—this one—more questionable adjustment. The relevant sentence, as printed by Wachsmuth–Hense, runs: θείη γὰρ καὶ καλὴ ὄψις γονέων, καὶ ἡ τουτέων ὄπις καὶ θεραπείη, ὁκόση οὐδὲ ἡλίου οὐδὲ πάντων ἄστρων, τὰ οὐρανὸς ἐναψάμενος ἀμφιχορεύει, καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο δοκέει τις χρῆμα μέζον εἷναι ἐόντων κατὰ θεωρίην. This, seemingly, is to mean: ‘The appearance of one's parents is divine and beautiful, and <likewise> our regard and care for them, beyond even <the appearance of> the sun and all the stars that heaven sets alight in its circular dance, or anything else one could imagine as a greater spectacle.’ This ὄπις is Meineke's conjecture. Of the manuscripts, as the Wachsmuth–Hense apparatus criticus indicates, A (Parisinus: fourteenth century) has (that is, repeats) ὄψις; S (Vindobonensis: eleventh century) and M (Escurialensis: twelfth century) have ἁψις (‘sine acc.’); while Tr. (the sixteenth-century editio Trincaveliana) has ἅψις (whether by simple correction of SM or through reference to some additional witness is not clear). By any reckoning, the Greek is intricate, and, among much else, the non-visual-related sequence καὶ ἡ . . . θεραπείη is a noteworthy parenthesis, in that it interrupts a flamboyant visual-centred comparison of ὄψις γονέων and ἡλίου κτλ. Τhe sentence (as indeed the passage more generally) is characterized by wordplay: not only εἷναι ἐόντων but θείη first word, θεωρίην last. This might seem to support a sequence ὄψις . . . ὄπις; and, if so, we would have an instance of the nominative ὄπις, prospectively in the secular sense (ἐπιστροφή) posited by the likes of Hesychius (see n. 4 above). However, Malcolm Schofield (who has kindly commented on my discussion) advises me that arguably ὄπις here would suggest religious ‘reverence’, in line with θείη, and likewise θεραπείη religious ‘service’ (as to gods); and he finds the conjectural ὄπις ‘very likely right’ on this basis. He notes: ‘For the divinity of parents in this kind of context, and the requirement to accord them worship, see Stob. 4.25.53, from Hierocles, thought also to be second century a.d.: especially pages 641.3–642.5 Wachsmuth–Hense, where children are to think themselves ζακόρους τινὰς καὶ ἱερέας for the household, as if in a temple.’ As such, the passage would provide no support for secular ὄπις, though indeed it would exemplify the nominative form. That said, one should still note that the conjecture would offer a unique attestation of the nominative in a continuous text (even in later texts); and that there is at least a case for retaining Tr.'s version of SM's text, ὄψις . . . ἅψις: ‘The appearance of one's parents is divine and beautiful, and likewise touching and tending them . . .’. Not surprisingly, ἅψις/ὄψις is an attested collocation in philosophical Greek (Arist. Hist. an. 535a12–13; cf. Posidonius Phil., fr. 394 Theiler), while here, in an extra bit of wordplay, ἅψ-ις would then be picked up (however inconsequentially) by ἐν-αψ-άμενος. Non liquet?

APPENDIX B: EMPEDOCLES’ KATHARMOI (see page 510 above)

In the opening verses of his Katharmoi, fr. 112.3 DK, Empedocles calls the citizens of Acragas ξείνων αἰδοῖοι λιμένες. The phrase impinges as a response to Pindar, to Pindar's characteristic use of metaphor to present the exemplary treatment of xenoi, but more specifically to the phrase ξένων ἔρεισμ’ in O. 2.6. As printed by Wright (1995), 134,Footnote 71 the opening six lines of Empedocles’ poem run:

ὦ φίλοι, οἳ μέγα ἄστυ κάτα ξανθοῦ Ἀκράγαντος
ναίετ’ ἄν’ ἄκρα πόλεος, ἀγαθῶν μελεδήμονες ἔργων,
(ξείνων αἰδοῖοι λιμένες κακότητος ἄπειροι,)
χαίρετ’ ἐγὼ δ’ ὑμῖν θεὸς ἄμβροτος, οὐκέτι θνητός,
πωλεῦμαι μετὰ πᾶσι τετιμένος, ὥσπερ ἔοικεν,
ταινίαις τε περίστεπτος στέφεσίν τε θαλείοις.

The ancient sources for this passage do not indicate that verse 3 belongs to it. The sequence ξείνων . . . ἄπειροι is recorded separately by Diodorus (13.83.2), who ascribes it, as a description of the Acragantines, to Empedocles, and it was inserted in the opening lines by modern editors—hence Wright's brackets. It remains a disputed presence here, although there is no question of misattribution, and the line makes good sense as verse 3.Footnote 72 Assuming that the line is correctly inserted here, we have a striking sequence of seeming echoes or allusions (phraseological and auditory) to Pindar's epinician odes, and specifically to the opening of O. 2. [i] With Empedocles’ (1–3) Ἀκράγαντος –– ἄκρα πόλεος –– ξείνων –– λιμένες, compare Pindar's ἀκρόθινα πολέμου –– ξένων ἔρεισμ’, Ἀκράγαντος (Ο. 2.4–6).Footnote 73 [ii] Empedocles’ θεὸς ἄμβροτος, οὐκέτι θνητός (4) reads like a grandiose riposte to Pindar's τίνα θεόν, τίν’ ἥρωα, τίνα δ’ ἄνδρα (O. 2.2). [iii] With Empedocles’ ὥσπερ ἔοικεν (5), compare the restored phrase ὅπᾳ δίκαιον (O. 2.6) itself. [iv] Then, without specific reference to the opening of O. 2, Empedocles’ τετιμένος . . . στέφεσιν (5–6) is strongly evocative of the τιμαὶ καὶ στέφανοι of Pindaric epinician celebrations (the phrase itself comes from fr. 221.2 S–M). Empedocles, then, presents himself as a revered figure (like Pindar's [ἥρωες] . . . σεβιζόμενοι, Ι. 5.29), graced with garlands like an epinician victor. Very relevantly, Empedocles was a native of Acragas; his grandfather was himself an Olympic victor;Footnote 74 and there are notable eschatological affinities between his Katharmoi and O. 2.Footnote 75

The Acragantine Empedocles, we may infer, has not only had Pindar in mind, but has also felt it natural to make the opening of his momentous poem, with its momentous opening claims, evoke—and even trump—the majestic opening of Pindar's great tribute to Acragas and the Acragantine Thero. And the sequence of evocations would seem itself to support the placing of ξείνων . . . ἄπειροι as verse 3 of Empedocles’ proem, just as, reciprocally, that proem supports the textual-critical case for the phrase ξένων ἔρεισμ’ in Pindar's ode.

I observe in passing that in Empedocles’ ξείνων αἰδοῖοι λιμένες, the epithet αἰδοῖοι recalls nothing in Pindar, but rather Od. 9.268–71, where Odysseus asks the Cyclops for δωτίνην, ἥ τε ξείνων θέμις ἐστιν, referring to Ζεὺς . . . ξείνιος, ὃς ξείνοισιν ἅμ’ αἰδοίοισιν ὀπηδεῖ: it is the ξεῖνοι who are αἰδοῖοι, strictly, not the λιμένες. And that LSJ s.v. λιμήν unhelpfully cites the Emped. usage under II.2 ‘gathering-place’, rather than (as it surely should be) under II.1 ‘haven’.

APPENDIX C: EURIPIDES’ HIPPOLYTUS (see n. 69 above)

At Eur. Hipp. 585–7, the chorus hear shouting and—apparently—look to Phaedra, who is closer to the commotion, for enlightenment. The manuscripts at this point offer the hardly credible sequence: σαφὲς δ’ οὐκ ἔχω | γεγωνεῖν ὅπᾳ [or ὅπα or ὄπα] διὰ πύλας ἔμολεν | ἔμολέ σοι βοά. Diggle (OCT) reads: . . . γεγώνει δ’ οἷα . . . , accepting a conjecture by Lloyd-Jones (γεγώνει δ’) and another by ‘nescioquis ap. Valckenauer’ (οἷα). Barrett had γεγωνεῖ δ’ ὅπᾳ (printed as ὅπαι), where γεγωνεῖ δ’ was Murray's suggestion. Whatever else is uncertain here, it can be agreed that the resemblance of γεγωνεῖν ὅπᾳ δι- to the corrected version of Pindar's sequence, γεγωνητέον, ὅπᾳ δι-, is curious. Might there be another reminiscence of Pindar's text here? We know that O. 2, to judge from Empedocles’ reminiscence, was already established as a classic text (it remained a celebrated and much-cited poem for centuries: cf. the citations listed in Turyn's edition). And Pindar's ode and Euripides’ tragedy have just about enough in common to make it possible to imagine that the playwright might have had O. 2 in mind while composing the play: specifically, O. 2 is a poem celebrating a four-horse chariot victory (τετραορίας, O. 2.5), while Hippolytus is a tragedy whose climax has its hero destroyed by, precisely, such a chariot (τέτρωρον, Hipp. 1229). If ὅπᾳ at Hipp. 586 were sound, one would be tempted to hypothesize an unconscious authorial echo of Pindar by Euripides,Footnote 76 prompted, then, by musings on four-horse chariots. But ὅπᾳ is anything but secure in Euripides’ text, and (for the record) no other significant correspondences to Pindar's ode present themselves in the play.Footnote 77

Alternatively, if ὅπᾳ has to be regarded as corrupt, but if one could be sure that this is an ancient corruption, one might posit a random scribal reminiscence by an ancient copyist familiar with ὅπᾳ δίκαιον in a copy of O. 2—which would of course also provide corroborative evidence that a correct text of Pindar was still current at the time. But one can hardly be sure about the date of the corruption (most inconveniently, a second-century a.d. papyrus version of the passage—P.Oxy. 2224—breaks off after γεγω-), and, under the circumstances, random coincidence would seem at least as likely.Footnote 78

Footnotes

1 ‘Pindar's poetry and the obligatory crux: Isthmian 5.56–63, text and interpretation’, TAPhA 128 (1998), 25–88.

2 Pace LSJ s.v. (‘in bad sense, as always in Hom.’) and comm.—who all assume sense (a) here, without proper discussion. In any Homeric passage, the word ὄπιδα in itself inevitably invites appeal to (a), the normal usage in Homer, but at 14.82 the parallel structure with ἐλεητύν, as it emerges, points, at least momentarily, to (b): ‘giving no thought to reverence <for gods> or pity <for men>’. This, notwithstanding the fact that, one line later, retributive gods are invoked, and that, a few lines after that (14.88), the word is clearly to be taken in sense (a), both now and with retrospective implications for 14.82 itself.

3 As at Hes. Theog. 221–2, Hom. Od. 14.82–8 (cf. n. 2 above), Hdt. 8.143.2.

4 Silk (1998), 37–8. Hesychius, representatively, has the gloss, ὄπιν· ἐπιστροφήν—interpreting the problem word as ‘care’, ‘regard’: a (mis)interpretation which, I have suggested, derives directly from the corrupt ὄπιν in the early text of I. 5.58 (Silk, ibid.). In post-classical usage, the word shows signs of becoming an iconym: Silk (2019), 325–6 with n. 133. Iconyms: page 502 below.

5 On the papyrus, see page 505 below; on Hermann's ξένων, pages 501 and 509 below.

6 Silk (1998), 36–7. Turyn's apparatus criticus indicates that all manuscripts have ὀπί, but G and H have ὄπι ante correctionem. This ὄπι was singled out and interpreted as ὄπῑ by Hermann in 1817. Snell–Maehler elide the facts.

7 Outside the accusative, the noun ὄπις (always singular) seems only to have a marginal existence. The word is reliably attested thirteen times in pre-Hellenistic Greek (page 499 above), and sporadically later; of the thirteen attestations, ten are in the accusative form ὄπιν; two others are in the epic variant, ὄπιδα (Od. 14.82 and 20.215—so, later, Mosch. 4.117); one other in the genitive, ὄπιδος (Od. 14.88). The word is only attested in the nominative, ὄπις, if one accepts Bergk's conjecture at Tyrtaeus 10.12 West (as I more or less did in Silk [1998], 35: I am more sceptical now) or Meineke's at Timo Phl. 802.2 Suppl. Hell. (not accepted by Lloyd-Jones–Parsons ad loc.), or the same scholar's proposed emendation in ‘Perictione’ apud Stob. 4.25.50 Wachsmuth–Hense, or if one counts the citations in the grammatical and lexicographical traditions (like the Suda's ὄπις: Silk [1998], 37), along with their congeners in the Pindaric scholia (Silk, ibid.). The ‘Perictione’ passage deserves a separate discussion, if only because the conjecture might seem to assume a secular usage: see Appendix A (page 515) below. There is also one apparent—but only apparent—citation of ὄπι in the scholarly literature of later antiquity. In the latest text of Apollonius Sophista, Lex. Hom. (first/second century a.d.)—but this ‘latest text’ is Bekker's text of 1833!—the entry for τρόφι (as in τρόφι κῦμα κυλίνδεται, Il. 11.307) includes the comment: . . . ὡς ὄπι [sic] . . . ἀπὸ εὐθείας τῆς τρόψ: ‘τρόφι . . . like ὄπι . . . from a nominative τρόψ.’ In itself, this clearly points to a reference to ὀπί, not ὄπι: ὀπί from ὄψ, like (supposedly) τρόφι from τρόψ. Concealed within the ellipses above, however, is a problematic sequence, the substantive part of which actually begins: προενεκτέον δὲ ὡς τρόφι . . . (‘[τρόφι] is to be pronounced like τρόφι . . .’ [?!]). The text for the entry evidently harbours some corruption, but it is hard to escape the conclusion that Apollonius Sophista, or his source, in essaying a derivation of τρόφι from a nominative **τρόψ (in preference to the established nominative τρόφις), has no good reason to invoke ὄπις at all. Whatever the precise truth here, the entry hardly provides any consequential support for the assumption of a dative ὄπι, from ὄπις—and none at all for the hypothetical ὄπῑ, because τρόφι is not ᴗ – but (like ὀπί) ᴗ ᴗ. (My thanks to Eleanor Dickey for advice on this passage.)

8 Not a problem in itself: cf. (e.g.) τοκέων . . . αἰδῶ (P. 4.218).

9 In retrospect, one might well think that, as prospective support for the improbable secular ὄπιν vulgarly ascribed to I. 5.58, this improbable ὄπι is actually not secular enough.

10 Silk (1998), 37 n. 43.

11 Gerber (1976), 32 lists fifteen.

12 Nor indeed because, in a sequence Θήρωνα . . . ξένον, there would in fact be anything amiss in acclaiming Thero as a ‘just host’ through the phrase δίκαιον ξένον—a usage that evidently worried at least one ancient commentator (ξενοδοχικόν. ἀντὶ τοῦ δίκαιον καὶ εἰς τοὺς ξένους· οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἦν ξένος, Σ11b, I page 61 Drachmann). The noun ξένος, though commonly signifying ‘stranger’ or ‘guest’, is of course also used by classical authors in the sense ‘host’ (LSJ s.v. A.I.2), as by Pindar himself (e.g. of Hiero, O. 1.103).

13 The only alternative would be to take ξένōν as brevis in longo, which is not unparalleled in Pindar (see e.g. Braswell on P. 4.184d), but not something to be assumed, and certainly not in (‘iambic’) mid period, as the relevant syllable would be.

14 See e.g. Braswell on P. 4.14d; Silk (1998), 48.

15 See pages 504 and 509–10 below.

16 The form would be paralleled in other comparably shaped words: i.e. as an epicism, like Homeric μήτῑ, alongside μήτιδι, and Θέτῑ, alongside gen. Θέτιδος (there is no attested **ὄπιδι, but cf. the -δ- forms of ὄπις cited in n. 7 above: ὄπιδα and ὄπιδος), with μῆτιν and Θέτιν corresponding to ὄπιν. But with a word so obviously restricted in form (see n. 7), such parallels have little force.

17 See page 504 with n. 30 below. Hardly more plausible are proposals involving a conjectural ὄπιν. Hartung, for instance, proposed ὄπιν δίκαιον ξένων, which avoids the hypothetical ὄπι at the cost of a less idiomatic construction, while still retaining the problematic ὄπις itself.

18 Silk (1974), 239–40.

19 Silk (1983), 311–12 (the quoted phrases) and 316–17 (ἄωτος/-ον); on iconyms, see also Silk (2019), 318–26.

20 Contrast such iconyms as ἀμαιμάκετος: Silk (1983), 328–9.

21 With iconyms, one should avoid speaking of the, or even a, ‘meaning’ without qualification.

22 In Aesch. Supp. 666 the genitive is implied (n. 24 below).

23 In these last two cases, sufficient context is lacking to make it entirely certain that the genitives are partitive, but they give every sign of being so.

24 Ἀργείων, implied by ἥβας (663), ἀνδρῶν (659), Ἀργείοις (625).

25 The relative coherence of this group, and especially of the genitival usage in it, raises the possibility that here, as often with iconyms (Silk [1983], 314), some re-etymological association is operative, albeit here one of an unusual kind. Specifically: is ἄωτος in group (b) felt as a quasi-superlative form, on the analogy of the similar-sounding πρῶτος in uses like πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων πλούτῳ (Hdt. 7.27.2)? Cf. the discussion of πατέρων ἄωτον, page 511 below.

26 Denniston (1959), 501 notes that ‘alternation of copulation and asyndeton’ is attested—with lists of names—in Aeschylus’ Persae (exotic [dis]connections for exotic names?), but I see nothing at all comparable anywhere in the play.

27 It is of course most unlikely that there would have been any punctuation in Pindar's original text: all punctuation is doubtless the product of scribal, or editorial, division in later ages.

28 On the interpretation of this restored sequence, as of the rest of the passage, see the commentary, pages 509–11 below.

29 See page 505 below.

30 ὄπι δίκαιον on its own would have to mean ‘observant in reverential fear (vel sim.) of the gods’—not impossible but highly improbable on two grounds: (i) although the elite can of course be commended for honouring the gods in suitable rituals (N. 11.5–7, I. 2.39), reverential fear is not something usually ascribed to a great honorand (contrast Od. 6.121, with Hainsworth ad loc.); (ii) if it were, it would in any case call for θεῶν or equivalent in the near context (cf. page 499 with n. 3 above).

31 See page 505 below.

32 In Bergk's fourth edition (1878) the apparatus criticus has ‘G ὅπως καθώς interpretatur, quasi ὅπᾳ scriptum fuerit’, and the apparatus criticus in Schroeder's 1900 revision of Bergk4, more expansively, ‘mire Germanus ἀντὶ τοῦ ὅπως καὶ καθά, gl. G ὅπως, καθώς, quasi fuerit ὅπῃ (ὅπᾳ)’. In full, Σ in the ‘Germanus’ codex (Vindobonensis suppl. gr. 64: thirteenth century) has τὸ ὀπὶ [sic] ἀντὶ τοῦ ὅπως καὶ καθά, ἢ τῷ ἐμμελεστάτῳ ᾄσματι (I, page 110 Abel), with the relevant part of the gloss presumably derived from G itself or a common source. Unlike G (see page 507 below), ‘Germanus’ is a strictly secondary witness: Irigoin (1952), 217–19.

33 Evidently among the unpublished notes left by (A.W.) Mair after his death: cf. Bowra's 1935 preface, page x.

34 In Pindar's text elsewhere, and in various dialect occurrences outside Pindar, recent editors and others often print ὅπᾳ as ὁπᾷ. In this article, I assume ὅπᾳ (like Attic ὅπῃ) throughout: cf. Lomiento (2007).

35 Van Leeuwen (1964) mentions the gloss in G, only to dismiss it as inconsequential (page 411: ‘We laten de glosse van G: ὅπως, καθώς, die wijst op een lezing ὅπῃ of ὅπᾳ, als onbelangrijk buiten beschouwing’); this, in the course of an uneventful defence of Hermann's ὄπῑ. Most editors, including Turyn, Snell–Maehler and Gentili et al. (in the 2013 Mondadori edition of Le Olympiche), simply ignore it altogether.

36 See n. 43 below.

37 As in his apparatus criticus on the scholia to 15d (= O. 2.8) καμόντες κτλ.: I, page 63 Drachmann.

38 But in capitals: Grenfell–Hunt transcribe in unaccented minuscules.

39 The papyrus also has δέ (for MSS τε). On the evidence provided by Denniston (1959), 164–5, ABC δέ is even rarer than ABC τε (except where the ABC involves anaphora), and ABC δέ E quite anomalous. Xen. Cyr. 8.2.6, cited by Denniston ([1959], 165) as a solitary example of δέ linking ‘two . . . units in the middle of an otherwise asyndetic series’, is quite different: in effect, marking a separate contrast within a longer ‘series’. The δέ on the papyrus can safely be ignored as a trivial corruption.

40 Ancient scholarship already assumes the association: Σ12a, I, page 61 Drachmann: ἔρεισμ’ Ἀκράγαντος: ἕδρασμα ὄντα καὶ τείχισμα τῆς Ἀκράγαντος. καὶ Ὅμηρος· ἕρκος Ἀχαιῶν. Cf. Σ Hom. Il. 16.549 Erbse (on Sarpedon as ἕρμα πόληος): ὅθεν καὶ Πίνδαρος ἔρεισμα Ἀκράγαντος εἶπε τὸν Θήρωνα. By contrast, apart from G's gloss, no early scholiastic comment on, or reference to, ΟΠΑΙ/ΟΠΙ is recorded.

41 With the implication that in antiquity (at least, later antiquity) the corrupt ΟΠΙ was already interpreted as it would come to be in the medieval era (i.e. as ὀπί), although there is no direct evidence for this (n. 40 above)—unless one takes the layout in P.Oxy. 1614 as itself evidence.

42 See further page 508 below.

43 There is also an ‘exclamatory’ ὅπᾳ at O. 10.10–11—which, one notes, is glossed ὅπως: I, page 313 Drachmann (on 14b and 15c) (cf. page 505 above).

44 Cf. Kühner–Gerth 1.40–2; Schwyzer (1939–71), 2.623–4.

45 In a conformation superficially Pindaric: Μοῦσα . . . | κλέος ἀν’ Ἕλλανας τίθει, | ὡς κτλ.—but only superficially, because the κλέος here is the (desired) fame of Timocreon's latest critique of Themistocles (Plut. Them. 21).

46 Pace Benveniste (1966), 161–5, such elliptical constructions (he calls them ‘phrases nominales’) are not restricted to ‘discours direct’ and generalized (‘sentencieux’) reference. The first claim is refuted by (e.g.) Hippoc. Prorrh. 2.12 (above), and the second by (e.g.) Pindar's εἰ δυνατόν at N. 9.28 (on which cf. Braswell ad loc.), and the present passage too.

47 Transl. Hobbes (1629). Cf. SGDI 2501.3 Collitz (Delphian inscription, 380 b.c.): δικαξέω τὰς δίκας ὥς κα δικαιοτάτᾳ γνώμᾳ τὰ μὲγ γεγραμμένα κατὰ τὸς νόμος. Cf. also simpler inscriptional formulas like ὡς δικαιότατα καὶ εὐσεβέστατα (as in Dittenberger, Syll.3 204.10: Eleusis, 352–351 b.c.); κὰ(τ) τὸ δίκαιον (as IG 9.12 609, 5–6: Naupactus, sixth/fifth century b.c.); ὡς ἂν δύνωνται δικαιότατα (as IG 12.9.189, 24: Eretria, mid fourth century b.c.); καθάπερ δίκαιόν ἐστιν (as SEG 55 [2005], 1816.67: Egypt, third century b.c.).

48 Below, pages 508–9.

49 Carey resists the relationship of ἄνδρα and στεφάνωμα there, partly for lack of a parallel to στεφ. words as honorific metaphors for a man: ‘Pindar nowhere terms an athlete “crown of the city”.’ This is true, and would be highly relevant if one were introducing such a usage in an emendation; but much less relevant in a sound text, the run of which invites the interpretation. For the ‘honorific metaphor’ itself, cf. Lycurg. Leocr. 50 εἰπὼν στέφανον τῆς πατρίδος εἶναι τὰς ἐκείνων ψυχάς, and cf. Eur. Heracl. 839, where τὸν καλλίπαιδα στέφανον is a phrase applied to Ηeracles’ children. Pindar elsewhere does use στεφάνωμα (as opposed to στέφανος) metaphorically in other ways (as at P. 1.50: cf. Slater [1969], 472 s.v.).

50 See page 513 below.

51 And largely Attic—which probably amounts to the same thing.

52 Gilbert and Sullivan, The Pirates of Penzance (1879), Act I.

53 Similarly, without metaphor, Pindar presents a city (Aegina) as φίλαν ξένων ἄρουραν (N. 5.8), while a man (the Aeginetan Lampon) inspires warm feelings for his ξένων εὐεργεσίαις (I. 6.70).

54 The alternation between κίονα + gen. and κίονα + dat. here is of little consequence: cf. e.g. the alternation between grammatical cases in ξείνια . . . ἅ τε ξείνοις θέμις ἐστιν at Il. 11.779 and δωτίνην ἥ τε ξείνων θέμις ἐστιν at Od. 9.268, or between πύργος + dat. (Thgn.) and + gen. (Alc.) in the examples that follow.

55 In two Hellenistic poems, Hector is ἔρ. πάτρας (Lycoph. Alex. 281–2) and Pan (punningly) ἔρ. πάντων (Mel. Adesp. 936.17 PMG). On the dating of the Pan poem, see Furley–Bremer (2001), 1.240–3.

56 For a basic inventory of apo koinou types, see Des Places (1962).

57 For bolder examples (hendiadys proper), see Verdenius on O. 3.6, Braswell on N. 9.13, Carey on I. 8.1; on hendiadys in general, Sansone (1984).

58 Cf. pages 507–8 above.

59 Silk (1998), 81–5. On the more overt intertexts between these odes, see Morrison (2011), 238–50.

60 σὺν μάχαις codd., corr. Bury: Silk (1998), 82 n. 146.

61 Silk (1998), 81–2.

62 Because, as with the echoes in the three pankration odes, these hardly operate on a public-perceptible level: cf. Silk (1998), 81–2.

63 As also with I. 5: Silk (1998), 83–5.

64 Printed as κεινὰν by most editors.

65 Printed as κεινός by most editors.

66 The ὀρθαῖσι/Ὀρθωσίας correspondence might be taken either way, although—whatever the actual etymology of the cult title Ὀρθωσία—the ancients evidently regarded the word as a derivative of ὀρθός: Ὀρθωσία δὲ ὅτι ὀρθοῖ εἰς σωτηρίαν (Σ ad loc., I, page 121 Drachmann).

67 The Ἀκράγαντο-/ἀκαμαντο- echo is especially noteworthy in that the two odes in question have quite different rhythmic bases: O. 2 is, in Snell–Maehler's phrase, ‘ex iambis ortum’; O. 3 is dactylo-epitrite.

68 Cf. page 508 above.

69 Besides the seeming reminiscence of Pindar's ξένων ἔρεισμ’ in Empedocles (above, page 510, and Appendix B below), one other possible echo of O. 2.6 outside Pindar is worth recording—in Euripides’ Hippolytus, or its transmission: see Appendix C below.

70 See Giani (1993), 8–12; cf. Swain (2013), 284–5, 315. The text is unconvincingly taken to be early Hellenistic by Thesleff (1961), 113.

71 But with added commas in verse 4; in Wright the fragment is numbered 102.

72 Wright (1995), 265–6.

73 For what it may be worth, an anecdote in Diog. Laert. 8.65 (Emped. P19 in Laks–Most [2016], 344–7) credits Empedocles with an epigram devoted to multiple wordplay with ἀκρ- (ἄκρον . . . Ἄκρων’ Ἀκραγαντῖνον . . . Ἄκρου | . . . ἄκρος . . . ἀκροτάτης). The epigram is printed as ‘Empedocles’ II by Page (1981), 153–4, who calls it ‘plainly spurious’ ([1981], 153).

74 Emped. P3 in Laks–Most (2016), 328–31: Diog. Laert. 8.51–2.

75 See e.g. Demand (1975), 355 n. 38.

76 As with Pindar's own reminiscences, there is (whatever else) obviously no allusion here.

77 One notes, symptomatically, the gulf between the very specific description of the afterlife in O. 2.56–80 and the nurse's blunt assertion that no one knows anything about any ‘other life’ beyond this world (Hipp. 195–7).

78 My warm thanks to Eleanor Dickey and Malcolm Schofield for helpfully responding to particular questions (see, specifically, n. 7 and Appendix A above). I am indebted also to CQ's referee for several suggested improvements, to Patrick Finglass, as editor of CQ, for his tolerance of an awkwardly styled text, and to Nick Lowe for help with Unicode Greek fonts.

References

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES

Abel, E. (1891), Scholia Recentiora in Pindari Epinicia (Budapest).Google Scholar
Benveniste, E. (1966), Problèmes de linguistique générale, vol. 1 (Paris).Google Scholar
Buck, C.D. and Peterson, W. (1944), A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives (Chicago).Google Scholar
Carey, C. (1995), ‘Pindar and the victory ode’, in Ayres, L. (ed.), The Passionate Intellect. Essays on the Transformation of Classical Traditions Presented to Professor I.G. Kidd (New Brunswick, N.J.), 85103.Google Scholar
Demand, N. (1975), ‘Pindar's Olympian 2, Theron's faith, and Empedocles’ Katharmoi’, GRBS 16, 347–57.Google Scholar
Denniston, J.D. (1959), The Greek Particles, 2nd edn (Oxford).Google Scholar
Des Places, É. (1962), ‘Constructions grecques de mots à fonction double (ἀπὸ κοινοῦ)’, REG 75, 112.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Drachmann, A.B. (1903), Scholia Vetera in Pindari Carmina, vol. 1 (Leipzig).Google Scholar
Furley, W.D. and Bremer, J.M. (2001), Greek Hymns: Selected Cult Songs from the Archaic to the Hellenistic Period, vol. 1 (Tübingen).Google Scholar
Gerber, D.E. (1976), Emendations in Pindar, 1513–1972 (Amsterdam).Google Scholar
Giani, S. (1993), Pseudo Archita, L'educazione morale (Rome).Google Scholar
Irigoin, J. (1952), Histoire du texte de Pindare (Paris).Google Scholar
Laks, A. and Most, G.W. (2016), Early Greek Philosophy, vol. 5.2 (Loeb Classical Library) (Cambridge, Mass.).Google Scholar
Lomiento, L. (2007), ‘Riflessioni minime sulla logica della conjettura in filologia (Pind. Ol. 10.10, 11, 55/56)’, QUCC 85, 5763.Google Scholar
Matzner, S. (2016), Rethinking Metonymy: Literary Theory and Poetic Practice from Pindar to Jakobson (Oxford).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mayser, E. and Schmoll, U. (1970), Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit, vol. I.12 (Berlin).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Moorhouse, A.C. (1982), The Syntax of Sophocles (Leiden).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morrison, A. (2011), ‘Aeginetan odes, reperformance, and Pindaric intertextuality’, in Fearn, D. (ed.), Aegina: Contexts for Choral Lyric Poetry (Oxford), 227–53.Google Scholar
Page, D.L. (1981), Further Greek Epigrams (Cambridge).Google Scholar
Pavese, C. (1966), ‘Χρήματα, χρήματ’ ἀνήρ ed il motivo della liberalità nella seconda Istmica di Pindaro’, QUCC 1, 103–12.Google Scholar
Sansone, D. (1984), ‘On hendiadys in Greek’, Glotta 62, 1625.Google Scholar
Schwyzer, E. (1939–71), Griechische Grammatik (Munich).Google Scholar
Silk, M.S. (1974), Interaction in Poetic Imagery (Cambridge).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Silk, M.S. (1983), ‘LSJ and the problem of poetic archaism: from meanings to iconyms’, CQ 33, 303–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Silk, M.S. (1998), ‘Pindar's poetry and the obligatory crux: Isthmian 5. 56–63, text and interpretation’, TAPhA 128, 2588.Google Scholar
Silk, M.S. (2012), ‘Reading Pindar’, in Agócs, P., Carey, C. and Rawles, R. (edd.), Reading the Victory Ode (Cambridge), 347–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Silk, M.S. (2019), ‘Literary lexicography: aims and principles’, in Stray, C.A., Clarke, M. and Katz, J. (edd.), Liddell and Scott: The History, Methodology, and Languages of the World's Leading Lexicon of Ancient Greek (Oxford), 299329.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Slater, W.J. (1969), Lexicon to Pindar (Berlin).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Swain, S. (2013), Economy, Family, and Society from Rome to Islam: A Critical Edition, English Translation, and Study of Bryson's Management of the Estate (Cambridge).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Thesleff, H. (1961), An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic Period (Åbo).Google Scholar
Van Leeuwen, J. (1964), Pindarus’ Tweede Olympische Ode (Assen).Google Scholar
Willcock, M.M. (1995), Pindar: Victory Odes (Cambridge).Google Scholar
Wright, M.R. (1995), Empedocles: The Extant Fragments, 2nd edn (London).Google Scholar