^{page 79 note 1} When the news of Leuktra arrived, the men's team of the last day was performing, and was allowed to finish its competitive performance. Xenophon twice uses the singular (το νδρικο χορο χορο ἓνδον ντος: τν μντοι χορν διαγωνσασθαι εἴων) and his words can scarcely be understood otherwise than as Bolte wishes. But they make his hypothesis of a third age-class difficult; see the next note.

^{page 79 note 2} So Wilamowitz for MS. πρσω: the passage then needs no further correction, and there is no lacuna. Bölte posits a lacuna, since he believes there was a third age-class of unmarried men (εἴρενες) who performed in the evening. This is not only gratuitous but accords rather ill with Xenophon's narrative (see note 1 above): the men's performance on the last day was evidently the close of the festival.

^{page 79 note 3} Pollux 4. 107: τριχοραν δ Tὐρταιος ἔστησε, τρεῖς Λακώνων χοροὐς καθ' λικαν κστην παῖδας ἄνδρας γροντας: Plutarch, , Lycurg. 21. 3Google Scholar, quotes the three iambic lines; cf. the other passages cited by Diehl, , Anthologia Lyrica ii, Carmina popularia, 17Google Scholar. It is nowhere explicitly connected with the Gymnopaidiai.

^{page 79 note 4} From γυμνς and παζω. A high proportion of the early uses of παζω are in the sense of 1510. dance: I.G. i². 919; Odyssey 8. 251; 23. 147; Pindar, Ol. 13. 86 (cf. Liddell–Scott–Jones under παζω I. 2): less explicitly (in Od. 6. 100, 106; 7. 291) Nausikaa and her girls, and Artemis’ nymphs to whom they are compared, do something very like dance. Cf. Anakreon 2 and 5 (συμπαζ.), 88; Alkman 36 (Diehl's numbers). In γυμνοπαιδαι the basic sense of being light-hearted is pretty well forgotten, as Plato Laws 633 C shows.

^{page 79 note 5} Leuktra was fought in July, at the time of the Gymnopaidiai. The performance was in a theatre (Hdt. 6. 67. 3, cf. Plutarch, , Agesil. 29. 3)Google Scholar, but it is unlikely that the stage was shaded, especially at midday. The boys whose performance was at dawn (πρς ἔω: cf. Aristoph. Eccles. 312) had the cool of the day.

^{page 79 note 6} The opposite of the σκιητροφη which Herodotos imputes to the Ionians, 6. 12. Cf. Plato, , Republic 556 DGoogle Scholar.

^{page 79 note 7} Bekker, , Anecd. 1408Google Scholar: Πρπαρος τπος ν ᾧ περ Θυρεν μαχσαντο 'Aργεῖοι κα Λακεδαιμνιοι. Hesychios Πρπαρος: ν ᾦ γὼν ἤγετο κα χορο ἴσταντο. I.G. v (1). 213 lines 44–9, 62–4, the fifth-century agonistic inscription of Damonon, names boys’ foot races and a horse race at the Parparonia. The confrontation of these passages is due to Bölte, loc. cit., pp. 131–2: the same argument in P.W. iii A, s.v. ‘Sparta', col. 1510.

^{page 79 note 8} Probably at once, if we read (or understand) Θυρετιδος for the unintelligible Tεγετιδος in Diod. 15. 64. 2: but anyway in the course of the 4th century. See Bölte in P.W. iii A, S.V. ‘Sparta', col. 1304.

^{page 80 note 1} Jerome's version of Eusebios (ed. Fotheringham), p. 165, under Ol. 28.1: Nudipedalia primum acta in Lacedaemone. That he means the Gymnopaidiai is clear from the parallel passage from Syncellus (401. 20) quoted by Schöne, ad loc. (Eusebi Chronicorum Canonum quae supersunt, p. 86) γυμν παιδεα πρτον ν Λακεδαιμονᾳ ἤχθη: also from the Armenian version.

^{page 80 note 2} In p. 79, n. 6, I have stressed the military side of this λωσις (opposed to σκιητροφη) as a toughener of physique and morale: so far the Gymnopaidiai may be compared with the measures taken by Lykourgos at Athens after Chaironeia. But they were also a religious festival, and for this we may compare the cult of Orestes instituted after the defeat in Arkadia (Hdt. 1. 66–8) and perhaps the institution of the public funeral at Athens after the calamity at Drabeskos (see Jacoby, in J.H.S. lxiv (1944), p. 55)Google Scholar: religious innovations used (instinctively rather than deliberately) to mark the profound social changes which calamities demand.

^{page 80 note 3} Sosibios says ψιλνους νν ὐνομζεσθαι ντας κ φοινκων ‘the crowns are now called φλινοι [rather than Thyreatic] and are made of palm leaves'. This does not show that ψλινος means ‘made of palm leaves’: it almost certainly means ‘of feathers’, cf. Pausanias 3.19.6 ψλος καλοσιν οἱ Δωριεῖς τ πτε, and Hesychios ψλος and ψιλον. The word is no doubt a dialect form of πτλον. Ψιλινοποιο, makers of these crowns, in late Spartan inscriptions, I.G. v (1). 208 line 4, 209 line 24: in 212 line 63 the σκιφατμος is perhaps the same. The wearer (the leader of a file in the dance) is called ψιλεὑς or ψλαξ: see Suidas ψιλεὑς, Hesychios ψιλεῖς and ψλακερ (rhotacism for ψιλεῖς and ψλακες). This use of the Feather Crown is not confined to the Gymnopaidiai and is certainly older than 544: Suidas s.v. ψιλεὑς quotes φιλψιλος from Alkman for a girl who likes to have this place in a dance, φιλοσα π' κρο χορο ἴστασθαι; and the extravagant Feather Crowns worn by Kameian dancers on a Tarentine vase (Trendall, Fruhitaliotische Vasen, Tafel 26) perhaps reflect an early Spartan custom. I hope later to have the necessary help to write about the series of Spartan bronzes of the third quarter of the sixth century (sc. just after 544), naked young men wearing these crowns: Papaspiridi, Semni, Guide du Musée National, Marbres Bronzes el Vases (Athens, 1927), fig. 33Google Scholar, museum no. 13056; Langlotz, Frühgriechische Bildhauerschulen, Tafel 49 b and e. I owe my knowledge of these to my wife. They may be from the Parparonia: I should have thought more likely from the Gymnopaidiai.

^{page 80 note 4} Bekker, , Anecd. 32. 18 (γυμνοπαιδα), παινας ἧδον ες τιμν τν περ Θυρας: parallel passages in Suidas, Timaeus, Etym. Mag. under γυμνοπαιδα are quoted by Bölte, p. 130 n. 6. Timaeus and Suidas write ὕμνους instead of παινας: Etym. M. gives παινας but writes εἰς τοὐσv περ Πυλααν πεσντας: this does not mean (as inferred, for example, in C.A.H. iii, p. 569) that they honoured the Thermopylai dead as well, it merely means that the Etymologicum has corrupted Θυραν to Πυλααν: see Bölte, pp. 130–1Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 1} This cynical observation, with its reference to the doctrine of Elis' ‘sacred neutrality’, suggests that Ephoros here draws on Hippias of Elis: see C.Q. xxxix, p. 23 n. 2.

^{page 81 note 2} In Pausanias 3. 7. 5 the Hysiai war ( πε7rho; τς Θυρετιδος καλουμνης χώρας Λακεδαιμονοις γὼν πρς 'Aργεους) is put at the end of Theopompos' reign, after the conquest of Messenia: ‘Theopompos took no part’. The misfortune was probably ascribed to King Polydoros, whose end was mysterious (3. 3. 2–3) and his son's reign uneventful (ib. 4) since Messenia did not revolt κα παρ το δμου το 'Aργεων οὐδν σφισιν πντησε νεώτερον. Cf. Plutarch, Mor. 231 E.

^{page 81 note 3} Pausanias' words are (6. 22. 2) λυμπιδι μν τῇ γδῃ: the article is unusual. The insertion after γδῃ of <π ταῖς εἴκοσι> will bring the phrase into line with 5. 21. 18 and 10. 36. 9. In C.A.H. iii, p. 761 I wrote that ‘all such harmonistic emendations are open to very grave objection: it may be wiser to leave in Pausanias an error which Ephoros had made before him’. If after twenty years I am bolder it is because Mr. Andrewes has in that interval persuaded me that Ephoros did not make the error. See Perachora, i, p. 260 n. 3, and The Corinthian Actaeon and Pheidon of Argos on pp. 65–78 of this volume.