¹ The translation is that of Nisetich, F. (The Poems of Callimachus [Oxford, 2001], 25)Google Scholar with the significant change of ‘Panacea herself’ to ‘panacea itself’.

² Williams, F., Callimachus: Hymn to Apollo. A Commentary (Oxford, 1978), 44Google Scholar (ad loc.).

³ McKay, K.J., ‘Solar motifs or, something new under the sun’, Antichthon 10 (1976), 39–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ See its employment by Aphrodite in order to protect Hector's body from disintegration (Il. 23.186–7), as well as by Demeter in order to make the small Demophon become divine (Hymn Dem. 237 ~ 242). See also Pind. Pyth. 9.63 (Aristaeus is made unperishable by the Horae and by Gaia). It is the preventive capacity of the ambrosia, not the healing, that is emphasized (thus the anonymous referee; cf. Clay, J.S., ‘Immortal and ageless forever’, CJ 77 [1981–2], 112–17, at 115–16Google Scholar), but both are two sides of the same coin (at least in the mind of Callimachus), much in the same way as both defending and protective aspects constitute the figure of Apollo politicus (for this, see below). Beyond that, some Homeric passages (e.g. Il. 19.38–9, 19.352–4, on which see n. 20 below) explicitly testify to the healing power of ambrosia.

⁵ The word ἀμβροσίη occurs in the surviving Callimachus (along with νέκταρ) only once (Aet. fr. 93.2) in an uncertain context (at any rate, extreme sweetness seems to be implied). The term πανάκεια is very rare, occurring mostly in non-fictional literature (Callimachus uses, apart from this case, the attribute πανακής in Epigr. 46.4). The mysterious elixir has been identified with a certain set of healing herbs (see LSJ s.v. πανακής). Callimachus makes an original contribution to this debate by arriving at the equation πανάκεια = ἀμβροσία on a purely Homeric basis. Yet, in doing so he might be swayed by some sources that recommend the use of ambrosia as medicine (Bion, fr. 1.3–4 [Apollo tries to heal Hyacinthus]). Virgil might have understood the clue of Callimachus (in addition to his use of Hom. Il. 23.185–7), connecting panacea and ambrosia (Aen. 12.418–19: [Venus in order to make Aeneas a healing bath] spargitque salubris | ambrosiae sucos et odoriferam panaceam).

⁶ For the poetic etymology, see Williams (n. 2), 44 (ad loc.). ἀκήριος in Hom. Od. 12.98, 23.328 and Hom. Hymn Merc. 530 means ʽunscathed' (though never in the context of ambrosia); in Callimachus, this is its only known occurrence (in Hellenistic literature, see also Nic. Ther. 190 and Ap. Rhod. Argon. 3.466). Beyond the etymological play another reason for the use of the word might have been the intriguing homonymy inherent to it: ἀκήριος stemming from κῆρ (ʽwithout heart') means ʽlifeless' or ʽuncourageous'. Callimachus succeeded in confusing his readership; see the undecided scholiasts regarding the sense of the word (Pfeiffer, R., Callimachus. Volumen II: Hymni et Epigrammata [Oxford, 1953], 50Google Scholar [ad loc.]).

⁷ The anonymous referee would interpret ἐλαίῳ ἀμβροσίῳ (Hom. Il. 23.186–7) as an unmixed divine substance. However, the fact that ἀμβροσίη is a separate substance throughout Homer makes it plausible that we are supposed to think of an admixture of ambrosia and oil of roses that results in ἐλαίῳ ἀμβροσίῳ (‘ambrosial oil’). For ἀμβρόσιος as ‘containing ambrosia’, cf. Hom. Il. 8.434 [mangers filled with ambrosia]; for ἀμβρόσιον … εἶδαρ as periphrasis for ἀμβροσίη, cf. Hom. Il. 13.35. Nevertheless, whereas ἀμβρόσιον … εἶδαρ can be viewed as a kenning for ambrosia, this is not possible with ἐλαίῳ ἀμβροσίῳ, since, in contrast to the generic εἶδαρ, oil is a specific substance (therefore, not ‘oil = ambrosia’ but ‘oil + ambrosia’).

⁸ Williams (n. 2), 43 (ad loc.) cites the passage without comment. Another place where ἔλαιον and ἀμβροσία are blended is Hom. Il. 14.171–2 (Hera's make-up). Callimachus might have had this in mind as well, since here an adverbial form of the stem λίπ- occurs (ἀλείψατο δὲ λίπ’ ἐλαίῳ | ἀμβροσίῳ ἑδανῷ …), which could have inspired ἔλαια ~ λίπος in his text.

⁹ As in the case of Hestia (Hom. Hymn 24.3). For the typical Callimachean correctio, see Williams (n. 2), 43 (ad loc.).

¹⁰ Apollo's link with ambrosia might be reminiscent of Theognis (1.8–9: πᾶσα μὲν ἐπλήσθη Δῆλος ἀπειρεσίη | ὀδμῆς ἀμβροσίης), although here the redolence accompanies the birth of the god and it is not directly emitted from his body.

¹¹ For strands of hair dripping with ambrosia as a symbol of vitality/immortality, see Thieme, P., ‘Ambrosia’, in Schmitt, R. (ed.), Indogermanische Dichtersprache (Darmstadt, 1968), 113–32, at 115Google Scholar.

¹² If Hom. Il. 1.529–30 (Zeus's hair) resonates with Callim. Hymn 2.39–41, this provides the reader with a hidden clue that directs him towards the Hymn to Zeus for additional allusions.

¹³ For this argument I assume that the Callimachean hymns form a carefully constructed poetry book with subtle references among the several pieces; cf. e.g. N. Krevans, ʽThe poet as editor. Callimachus, Virgil, Horace, Propertius and the development of the poetic book’ (Diss., Princeton, 1984), concerning mainly the Aitia (at 138–300).

¹⁴ Cf. Hom. Hymn Ap. 124 (Themis nourishes Apollo with nectar and ambrosia), Pind. Pyth. 9.63 (the same nourishment for Aristaeus) and Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.1136 (the lips of Dionysus are moistened by Makris with honey); see also Roscher, W.H., s.v. ‘Ambrosia und Nektar’, LGRM 1 (1884), 280–3Google Scholar (identification of ambrosia and honey) and Usener, H., ‘Milch und Honig’, RhM 57 (1902), 177–95, at 178–9Google Scholar.

¹⁵ See Σ ad loc. (Pfeiffer [n. 6], 45): ἐσσὴν κυρίως ὁ βασιλεὺς μελισσῶν, νῦν δὲ ὁ τῶν ἀνδρῶν (similarly Etym. Magn. 383.30 Gaisford). Cf. also Cook, A.B., ʽThe bee in Greek mythology', JHS 15 (1895), 1–24, at 12–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert-Tornow, W., De apium mellisque apud veteres significatione et symbolica et mythologica (Berlin, 1893), 34–9Google Scholar; and Stephens, S.A., Seeing Double. Intercultural Poetics in Ptolemaic Alexandria (Berkeley, 2003), 1–5, 107–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar (the bee as symbol for the king in Egyptian culture and the afterlife of the concept in European history). McLennan, G.R., Callimachus. Hymn to Zeus. Introduction and Commentary (Rome, 1977), 103Google Scholar notes the verbal correspondence between ἔργα μελίσσης (line 50) and ἔργα δὲ χειρῶν (line 66), which connects the passages and strengthens the bond between bee and king.

¹⁶ The explicit evocation of the king is placed directly before the epilogue (lines 85–90). I will not dwell upon the much-laboured question of whether Zeus, who makes the allotment of the spheres of power alone by his overwhelming supremacy senseless (lines 58–64), is to be equated with Ptolemy II. Irrespective of the identity of the king, the historical allusion remains. Cf. Clauss, J.J., ‘Lies and allusions: the addressee and date of Callimachus’ Hymn to Zeus’, ClAnt 5 (1986), 155–70Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Thus Lycophron's famous anagram of Ptolemy's name (fr. 531 SH: ἀπὸ μέλιτος) achieves a more poignant sense (honey as a symbolic substance for the king). One might also ask (as the anonymous referee did) if the bees in the epilogue of the hymn (lines 110–13), bringing water to Demeter (as they brought honey to Zeus), could also convey some political dimension (beyond the obvious metapoetical one). The well-known line of association ‘Ptolemaic Queen–Isis–Demeter’ may supply a hint of such political symbolism (cf. e.g. Erler, M., ‘Das Recht [ΔΙΚΗ] als Segensbringerin für die Polis. Die Verwandlung eines Motivs von Hesiod zu Kallimachos’, SIFC 80 [1987], 5–36, at 35Google Scholar, and Fantuzzi, M. and Hunter, R., Tradition and Innovation in Hellenistic Poetry [Cambridge, 2004], 351–5Google Scholar). But in any case no connection with honey seems to be implied.

¹⁸ The second hymn too has an explicit political dimension to it (cf. line 26 with Σ ad loc.: Pfeiffer [n. 6], 50).

¹⁹ The power to heal in a metaphorical sense is ascribed by Pindar (Pyth. 4.270–1) to Arcesila(u)s IV, king of Cyrene, who is called ἰατήρ and connected with Apollo (Παιάν τέ σοι τιμᾷ φάος). See Duchemin, J., ‘Mission sociale et pouvoir magiques du poète comparés a ceux du roi dans le lyrisme de Pindare’, in The Sacral Kingship. Contributions to the Central Theme of the VIIIth International Congress for the History of Religions (Rome, April 1955) (Numen Supplement 4) (Leiden, 1959), 379–93, at 387–8Google Scholar.

²⁰ Stephens, S., ‘Battle of the books’, in Gutzwiller, K. (ed.), The New Posidippus. A Hellenistic Poetry Book (Oxford, 2005), 229–48, at 239Google Scholar compares the fragrance (εὐωδία) emanating from the body of Alexander the Great (Plut. Alex. 4.4–7 with a ‘scientific’ explanation of it). Bastianini, G. and Gallazzi, C. (edd.), Posidippo di Pella: Epigrammi (P.Mil.Vogl. VIII 309) (Milano, 2001), 151 (on 12–13)Google Scholar note the sweating Athena who succours the residents of Kyzikus in a state of military despair (Plut. Luc. 10.4). According to Theocritus (Id. 15.106–8), Kypris immortalized Berenice I, wife of Ptolemy Sotēr and mother of Arsinoe II, by means of an infusion of ambrosia. Here we are dealing, however, in deference to the Homeric hypotext (Il. 19.38–9, 19.352–4: Thetis/Athene infuses [στάξ'] nectar and ambrosia into Patroclus’/Achilles’ nostrils/bosom as a protective-nourishing substance), with a substance originating from outside the body (line 108: ἀμβροσίαν ἐς στῆθος ἀποστάξασα γυναικός), whereas in the Hymn to Apollo the ambrosia, being a secretion of the god himself, emanates from within. Nevertheless, the ʽsyntagmatic' relationship of the god (Aphrodite) with the queen (Berenice) is reminiscent of the ʽparadigmatic' interplay between the god (Apollo) and the king in the hymn. See also Theoc. Id. 17.36–7: τᾷ [Berenice I] μὲν Κύπρον ἔχοισα Διώνας πότνια κούρα | κόλπον ἐς εὐώδη ῥαδινὰς ἐσεμάξατο χεῖρας. For the link with Egyptian embalming praxis, see Stephens (n. 15), 153. Another scene (the inauguration of a physician by Asclepius), not unlike the scene in Theocritus, occurs in an epigram of Crinagoras (Anth. Graec. 16.273 = 30 Gow–Page), where the hands of the god are dripping with panacea, which he smears onto the breast of the doctor (lines 1–3: αὐτός σοι Φοίβοιο πάις λαθικηδέα τέχνης | ἰδμοσύνην, πανάκῃ χεῖρα λιπηνάμενος, | Πρηξαγόρη, στέρνοις ἐνεμάξατο). Cf. also Callim. Aet. fr. 7.11–14 (with n. 26 below). For these passages, see also Hunter, R., Theocritus. Encomium of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Text and Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Berkeley – Los Angeles – London, 2003), 128Google Scholar (on Theoc. Id. 17.36–7).

²¹ Critical edition: Mayer, G. and Török, L. (edd.), Iani Pannonii opera quae manserunt omnia, I: Epigrammata, 1: Textus (Budapest, 2006), 194–6Google Scholar (Epigr. 321). Commentary: Török, L., Ianus-arcok. Összegyűjtött tanulmányok, recenziók, fordítások és kommentárok [Ianus-Faces. Collected Papers, Reviews, Translations and Commentaries] (Budapest, 2008), 196–203Google Scholar.

²² Since Virgil connects liquido … nectare (G. 4.164) and sudabunt (Ecl. 4.30) with honey, the association with this third, sweet substance is present in Ianus as well. What is more, the legend concerning King Ladislaus contains an oil miracle (see the apparatus criticus to Epigr. 321.40 in Mayer and Török [n. 21], 196).

²³ The legendary element surrounding the figure of Ladislaus might be a motif which, on the one hand, originates with the lives of saints, where the θεῖος ἀνήρ exudes odours (thus Török [n. 21], 202)—a motif which itself stems from the Homeric concept of fragrance as a sign of divinity (e.g. Hom. Hymn Dem. 277–8 and Verg. Aen. 1.403–4)—and, on the other, is (indirectly) related to the symbols of divine kingship in classical antiquity. The choice between the two origins is impossible, as they are not mutually exclusive. I intend only to draw attention to the possible influence of the latter.

²⁴ As the anonymous referee suggests.

²⁵ Keeping envy at bay could also be interpreted as a political message addressed to the king(/Apollo). For φθόνος impending on the king, cf. e.g. Pind. Pyth. 1.85 (with a positive turn: κρέσσον γὰρ οἰκτιρμοῦ φθόνος). For the image of this offensive Apollo, cf. Bassi, K., ‘The poetics of exclusion in Callimachus’ Hymn to Apollo’, TAPhA 119 (1989), 219–31Google Scholar.

²⁶ For the divinity of kingship in Greek thought, see Adorjáni, Zs., ‘Der Gott und der König. Bemerkungen zu Pindar, Kallimachos, Cicero und den Neupythagoreern Ekphantos und Diotogenes', Hermes 146 (2018), 392–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar. ἀποστάζειν in the Hymn to Artemis refers to the lightning by means of which Artemis lights up her torch (lines 117–18: φάεος δ᾽ ἐνέηκας ἀυτμήν | ἀσβέστου, τό ῥα πατρὸς ἀποστάζουσι κεραυνοί). Endowed with the credentials of her father, Artemis enters the political sphere in order to punish the wicked inhabitants within the unjust city (line 124: χαλεπὴν ἐμμάξεαι ὀργήν [here a metaphorical expression is also connected with a liquid]) or to look upon the righteous community with her graceful gaze (lines 122–35). Aet. fr. 7.11–14 drops oil from the locks and hands of the exquisite Parian Charites, who should wipe it (line 13: ἐνιψήσασθε) onto the elegies of Callimachus, an image with metapoetic potential (immortalizing poetry). Cf. also Hor. Ars P. 331–2: carmina … | … linenda cedro (unperishable poems, whereby the method of impregnating papyri with cedar oil is transferred to the poems themselves). For a similar motif in Callim. Epigr. 51.2, see I. Petrovic and A. Petrovic, ‘Stop and smell the statues: Callimachus’ Epigram 51 Pf. reconsidered (four times)', MD 51 (2003), 179–208, at 195–7, who briefly hint at Hymn 2.38–41 in the context of perfumed statues (at 184 n. 23). None the less, here—as they remark—no link with a statue of Apollo is to be found. My referee suggests the involvement of a statue in the ritual presented, but this is impossible to prove. The odorous oils of Berenice II, which depend upon the marriage of the princess (Aet. fr. 110.75–8), might also carry a secondary political innuendo, since the marriage of Berenice is tantamount to her dynastic ascension, so that the fragrance itself might express both aspects. Cf. Stephens (n. 15), 154–5 and (about the opposition of oil and perfume) Herter, H., ʽDie Haaröle der Berenike', in Skiadas, A.D. (ed.), Kallimachos (Darmstadt, 1975), 186–206Google Scholar (= H. Herter, Kleine Schriften [ed. E. Vogt] [Munich, 1975], 417–32). If the redolence here has some political significance, the same might be said for the ambrosial whiff emanating from Hypsipyle's cloak (Ap. Rhod. Argon. 4.430–4). Since this fragrance goes back to the love night of Dionysus on Naxos, whose role in the royal ideology is well known, a subtle hint at dynastic marriage in the Ptolemaic House is plausible here. See also Kampakoglou, A., Studies in the Reception of Pindar in Ptolemaic Poetry (Berlin, 2019), 383–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.