Research Context, Methodology and Positionality

This study forms part of my dissertation research, which spanned 17 months from 2018 to 2020, with follow-up interviews in December 2023. It serves as an ethnographic exploration of the ecological conservation and research practices in the Pema Rito region of Ganglong township 岗龙乡, Gade county 甘德县, in the Golok Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai province, China. Specifically, I concentrate on the activities of the PRWCA and its members, aiming to comprehend their motivations and specific approaches to ecological conservation and research.

With the support of the PRWCA members, I conducted over 110 informal and semi-structured interviews, covering approximately 200 families in the region, including key PRWCA members. I conceptualize this research as a dialogic ethnography. Dialogic ethnography emphasizes the co-construction of knowledge through the interaction between the researcher and the participants. It recognizes the diverse voices, perspectives and narratives within a cultural setting, and respects their interrelatedness and the dynamic nature of cultural processes. Moreover, this approach acknowledges the researcher's own subjectivity and influence on the research process and advocates for ethical and reflective practices that value the reciprocal exchange of ideas and experiences.Footnote ³ This approach was applicable to this research owing to my previous experience working with a Chinese environmental NGO from 2012 to 2016, where I primarily collaborated with Tibetan pastoralists in the Yulshul Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Qinghai province. As the members of the PRWCA were aware of my background in conservation work, they perceived me as having a certain level of “expertise” in wildlife conservation and research. This prior role as a conservationist added complexity to my fieldwork process, both enriching and challenging it in dynamic ways. By assuming that I possessed knowledge of wildlife conservation, the PRWCA members often sought my assistance in various tasks, such as transcribing plant names into Chinese and Latin. In this sense, I played the dual roles of an estranged researcher and an intimate participant. This dynamic facilitated a mutual constitution of knowledge production, circulation and contestation between myself and my interlocutors.Footnote ⁴

The Ecological Civilization Meets Tibetan Environmentalists

In 2012, “Constructing ecological civilization” (shengtai wenming jianshe 生态文明建设, CEC hereafter) was formally written into the constitution of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), marking a notable shift in environmental prioritization. This commitment to environmental concerns gained further reinforcement in 2018, when CEC was enshrined in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, emphasizing ecological conservation as integral to the country's “scientific outlook on development” (kexue fazhan guan 科学发展观).Footnote ⁵ During the Hu–Wen era (2002–2012), prior to the advent of CEC, the Chinese government attempted to balance economic growth with environmental conservation.Footnote ⁶ However, this period was characterized by a tendency to prioritize economic development, often at the expense of ecological protection measures, which were often relaxed or overlooked.Footnote ⁷ In contrast, CEC marks a distinct departure from previous policies by placing a stronger emphasis on ecological conservation. It prioritizes natural infrastructure over built environmentsFootnote ⁸ and is increasingly being framed not only as a response to environmental degradation but also as a key component of China's role as a global leader in both economic development and ecological conservation.Footnote ⁹ The rapid economic growth of the “reform and opening up” (gaige kaifang 改革开放) era, particularly under the Hu–Wen administration, led to serious ecological issues, such as pollution, resource depletion and food safety concerns.Footnote ¹⁰ Urban air pollution and food safety became particularly contentious areas for the Chinese public.Footnote ¹¹ The change in public sentiment has expanded the definition of a “good life” beyond economic prosperity to encompass environmental well-being, with an expectation of access to clean air, safe food and preserved natural spaces.Footnote ¹² In this context, the concept of CEC is being leveraged to attain global recognition for addressing worldwide environmental challenges, including climate change,Footnote ¹³ and to reinforce domestic political legitimacy by presenting the state as a champion of both economic and ecological advancement.Footnote ¹⁴

The influence of the CEC initiative is particularly evident in the Tibetan pastoral regions of China, with billboards prominently displaying phrases coined by Xi Jinping 习近平, such as “lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets” (lüshui qingshan jiushi jinshan yinshan 绿水青山就是金山银山). Such slogans, deemed crucial by both local officials and environmentalists, are frequently broadcast on Tibetan language television channels. This prominent messaging from the central government has galvanized Tibetan pastoralists, encouraging open discussion of environmental issues and active participation in conservation efforts, including anti-poaching operations, biodiversity monitoring and anti-mineral extraction campaigns. For instance, during a short field visit to Machu county 玛曲县 in Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Gansu province, in late July 2019, I encountered pastoralists who were strongly opposed to a local goldmine operation, claiming it to be illegal and environmentally detrimental in the new era of CEC. Their concerns, conveyed to local authorities and some journalists, prompted an inspection by the Central Ecology and Environment Supervision Team (zhongyang shengtai huanjing ducha zu 中央生态环境督查组), which then led to the closure of the mine owing to water pollution. This incident illustrates how the central government's environmental directives have been embraced by Tibetan pastoralists as tools for safeguarding their own environment.

The work of the PRWCA has been significantly enabled by the political climate created by the CEC initiative, which has proven critical in fostering the necessary social space for ecological endeavours to take root in Pemo Rito. The PRWCA, officially registered under the Gade County Civil Affairs Bureau in 2013 by Jamyang, the head lama of Sharwo Monastery, currently operates with two full-time staff members, including its founder Jamyang and general secretary Jinpa, a monk from the same monastery. By 2020, the organization claimed a diverse membership of 176, encompassing local pastoralists, monks, government employees and local schoolteachers. Guided by Jamyang and Jinpa, members participate in a range of conservation activities on a voluntary basis, including waste removal, flora and fauna research, emergency wildlife rescue in winter, anti-poaching patrols and collaborating with visiting ecological scientists and environmentalists.

Jamyang explained that the environmental conservation initiative started at Sharwo Monastery in 2011 with activities such cleaning up the local waterways and aiding wildlife during harsh winters. The decision to formally establish the PRWCA stemmed from three primary motivations. Initially, Jamyang noted that local authorities deemed the environmental work of the Sharwo Monastery as beyond the scope of a Buddhist institution. Additionally, he recognized that monk-led efforts alone were insufficient to have any meaningful impact on wildlife conservation, prompting the inclusion of pastoralists in the PRWCA to enhance legitimacy and effectiveness. Finally, Jamyang emphasized the importance of integrating traditional ecological knowledge with modern scientific methods to garner the recognition and support of governmental and environmental entities. As he stated, “a combination of our traditional knowledge and modern sciences would be recognized and supported by the local government and other environmentalists in China.”Footnote ¹⁵ In a recent meeting with the author, Jamyang explained that he had approached officials of the Gade County Government regarding the official registration of an environmental conservation organization in 2010 and again in 2011.Footnote ¹⁶ However, his requests were frequently met with rebuffs by local officials, who blamed bureaucratic obstacles. Nevertheless, when he applied to register the PRWCA in 2013, he found the bureaucratic process to be relatively swift and his venture was welcomed by county officials.

Drawing on Jamyang's words, I argue that ecological conservation efforts in Pema Rito, as embodied by the PRWCA, reflect a strategic response to the political and ecological climate shaped by the CEC. Following the central government's announcement of the new policy initiative, the work of the PRWCA received the support and recognition of the local government. The organization's work transcends mere environmental activism. It represents a calculated effort to achieve legibility and acknowledgement from both the state and the wider conservation community. This drive for recognition demonstrates Tibetan environmentalists’ desire not only to protect their natural surroundings but also to assert their agency and redefine their role within the broader narrative of ecological conservation in China. In this way, the actions of the PRWCA and its members illustrate a dynamic interplay between local initiatives and national policies, reflecting a broader quest for sociopolitical legitimacy, recognition and the right to protect their own homeland.

Desire for Legibility

Legibility refers to the standardization and categorization of social aspects such as land, people and economic activities to enhance their readability for administrative purposes.Footnote ¹⁷ The state's desire for legibility often leads to tensions and conflicts between central sedentary officials and communities at the social and political margins, compelling the latter to evade state practices of taxation, political control and territorial administration.Footnote ¹⁸ At the same time, legibility is both resisted and embraced by marginalized communities. For instance, Tania Murray Li posits that indigenous communities in the highlands of Sulawesi, Indonesia, both resist and adapt to capitalist expansions on the indigenous frontier, opposing economic practices that strip them of land and resource control while simultaneously making themselves visible to the state and neoliberal capitalism in order to claim rights and economic benefits.Footnote ¹⁹ In contemporary China, being legible to the state is essential for maintaining mobility and social and economic capitals. For example, Julie Chu demonstrates that Chinese migrants and their families in Fujian navigate complex bureaucratic processes to obtain visas to the United States, including gathering the necessary documents and overcoming the legal hurdles that facilitate migration to the US.Footnote ²⁰ This endeavour to become legible to both the US and Chinese governments is a critical process for migrants; they are compelled to make themselves legible to governmental systems in order to migrate to the US. A similar argument is made by Elizabeth Povinelli, who argues that in the name of recognition, indigenous cultures in Australia are undercut by the assertion of state power.Footnote ²¹ Indigenous groups are compelled to frame their identities and cultural practices within the parameters set by the dominant society to be considered legible and legitimate by the state. Drawing on these diverse and creative engagements with legibility, I argue that in the context of China, the CEC initiative represents a state-driven project of legibility aimed at managing and governing the land and prioritizing the creation of natural infrastructures over the built environment. The state seeks to reshape the ecological, social and cultural processes of rural and pastoral landscapes. Within this process, Tibetan environmentalists strategically leverage this state-driven vision of legibility to make their own desires and efforts legible to the state, utilizing the language of ecological science to conduct wildlife research and conservation. This strategy aims to gain recognition and legitimacy, as well as financial and political support, from the state, the general public and the conservation community. This intentional pursuit of legibility is particularly evident in the approach taken by the Pema Rito environmentalists in their flora and fauna research endeavours.

When first observing the work of the PRWCA members in July 2020, I initially assumed that it might be prone to errors and mislabelling, given that they were not plant specialists. However, I was proven wrong. A combination of traditional knowledge and reference to published materials on the local flora and fauna enabled them to accurately identify and label specimens, with only occasional inaccuracies. By the end of July 2020, they had identified and documented a total of 118 different plant and animal species in Pema Rito, including 40 different plant species and 78 wild animal species, including 16 mammals, 57 bird species and 4 unidentified bird species awaiting “expert” identification. Their research involved collecting plant specimens and photographing and videoing animals using infrared camera traps. As Jamyang explained, “we are different from scientists who take animal specimens. Maybe no scientists do that kind of work with live animals anymore, but we even do not do that with dead animals. The only specimens of animals we collect are the bones of dead animals that we sometimes find on the mountains. Our approach to science is in accordance with compassion!”Footnote ²² I encountered similar sentiments throughout my field research in Pema Rito. Tibetan environmentalists embrace Western scientific discourses as the foundation for their work, but they also reject certain aspects of Western ecological science, relying instead on traditional knowledge and ethical principles in their environmental efforts. In essence, they integrate Western scientific discourses and methodologies with Tibetan cultural ethics to develop conservation practices they deem more suitable for the local cultural and physical landscapes. Nonetheless, tensions between the two traditions occasionally emerge. Although they engage with Western ecological science, they have a limited understanding of these areas and so are reliant on external “expertise” in some cases. For instance, when I asked Jinpa if they had encountered any challenges with plant identification and classification, he candidly admitted, “we are bound to make mistakes because we are not trained scientists! We are not experts in scientific plant identification. I hope you can help us with that, especially with the Chinese and Latin names for the plants.”Footnote ²³ Since my own training did not encompass biological sciences, I acknowledged my limitations and suggested they seek assistance from local Tibetan doctors who specialized in medicinal plant studies. However, my suggestion was met with suspicion, as Jamyang and Jinpa pointed out that Tibetan medical doctors and Western scientists employ different methods to classify and catalogue plant species. Jamyang further elaborated:

The implication here is that the Pema Rito environmentalists strive for legitimacy and recognition of their ecological research and conservation efforts according to a set of criteria established by the state and conservation scientists. The PRWCA intentionally employs the term “sacred natural sites” – instead of “sacred mountains” – in its promotional and fund-raising material to emphasize that it takes a neutral and objective approach to scientific research and conservation work, free from any personal or religious beliefs. When I inquired about the potential loss of traditional ecological knowledge because of the reliance on Western ecological science, Jinpa responded: “When we conduct our work, we rely on traditional knowledge in our minds, but we present it in ways that outsiders can also understand, so we are not forsaking our culture. In this manner, we preserve our knowledge and garner support for our endeavours.”Footnote ²⁵

By endorsing the discourses and practices of Western ecological science in their flora and fauna research work, Tibetan environmentalists in Pema Rito not only generate legibility and support for their activities but also cultivate a specific form of environmental subjectivity that integrates traditional Tibetan knowledge with Western ecological science. The emergence of new forms of environmental subjectivities is a recognized phenomenon when communities engage with decentralized environmental governance. Arun Agrawal observes that the transition from centralized to decentralized resource management in Kumaon, northern India, facilitated the emergence of a new form of subjectivity among the villagers.Footnote ²⁶ This new subjectivity is closely associated with forest conservation and sustainable resource management. At the same time, intimate community engagement in nature conservation and nature-based tourism can foster cultural identities and subjectivities with a more cosmopolitan and global orientation.Footnote ²⁷ Additionally, the formation of new environmental subjectivities is often dependent on the condition that conservation projects do not conflict with the social and cultural values of the communities involved,Footnote ²⁸ and that specific practices neither marginalize nor displace communities but rather strive to create economic and cultural connections between the communities and their natural environments.Footnote ²⁹

Similar dynamics of environmental subjectivity formation have been observed in the Tibetan context. Traditional Tibetan conceptions of landscapes encompass animistic beliefs, attributing the presence of deities to mountains, which are believed to reward and protect communities when properly revered and to punish them when neglected.Footnote ³⁰ However, in workshops and meetings facilitated by conservationists, ecologists and environmental NGO workers, Tibetan environmentalists articulate their perspectives in terms of environmental protection,Footnote ³¹ and in conceptions of Tibetan sacred landscapes,Footnote ³² rather than traditional discourses of mountain deities. Simultaneously, Tibetans show a greater willingness to collaborate with the state and the conservation community in order to preserve their worlding practices.Footnote ³³ However, this does not mean that Tibetan pastoralists and environmentalists discard traditional knowledge in favour of Western science and conservation methods. On the contrary, they critique Western conservation methods and goals, perceiving the effectiveness of ecological conservation as being rooted in Tibetan Buddhist philosophies and traditional ecological knowledge.Footnote ³⁴ The PRWCA members embrace similar forms of environmental subjectivity. For instance, they use the phrase “sacred natural sites” to refer to sacred mountains and rivers in Pema Rito, as evidenced in the official title of their annual flora and fauna report, “Flora and fauna research of Pema Rito sacred natural sites” (pad ma ri mtho'i rang byung gnas mchog rtog zhib པད་མ་རི་མཐོའི་རང་བྱུང་གནས་མཆོག་རྟོག་ཞིབ།). What distinguishes the Tibetan environmentalists in Pema Rito is that their environmental subjectivity centres around ecological conservation through the lens of Western ecological science. I argue that Tibetan environmentalists employ the language of Western conservation methods and ecological science primarily in an attempt to leverage the social and political legitimacy of Western science. Their goal is to fulfil their own vision for ecological conservation and recognition, rather than to fully embrace Western science as the ultimate truth. The pursuit of legibility becomes a critical endeavour as they strive to gain recognition, legitimacy and support from both the Chinese state and the conservation community. This endeavour is not merely a bureaucratic necessity but a strategic engagement with the state-driven project of CEC. Through this engagement, Tibetan environmentalists in Pema Rito articulate a form of environmental subjectivity that is deeply informed by their traditional ecological knowledge and the discourses of Western ecological science. This approach is vividly captured in their documentation of flora and fauna, where they combine traditional knowledge with scientific methodologies to accurately identify and label species. As described by Jamyang, their approach emphasizes the importance of compassion and ethical principles, but at the same time it rejects certain practices of Western ecological science that conflict with Tibetan cultural ethics. This sentiment echoes the complex relationship between traditional knowledge and modern science, where the former is not forsaken but rather presented in ways that are comprehensible to external audiences, thereby safeguarding traditional knowledge while navigating the demands of modern conservation practices.

Scientific Logic

Science is deeply intertwined with cultural, social and ethical values.Footnote ³⁵ The credibility of scientific knowledge does not emerge in isolation but is actively constructed, contested and defended through intricate social processes.Footnote ³⁶ This dynamic process challenges the perceptions of scientific endeavour as an objective quest for truth, and emphasizes the role of social constructions, negotiations and power dynamics in the production and validation of scientific knowledge.Footnote ³⁷ The classification systems used by Western science transcend their technical utility to embody social values and ethical considerations, reflecting prevailing social norms and hierarchies.Footnote ³⁸ Scientific facts are generated from a complex amalgamation of negotiation, interpretation and representation within the scientific community,Footnote ³⁹ and from a strategic reliance on quantification and numerical indicators as a means for scientists to foster trust in their findings.Footnote ⁴⁰ Helen Verran challenges the presumed universality of Western scientific logics by advocating for Yoruba practices in Nigeria as a legitimate knowledge system, thus calling for a pluralistic understanding of science.Footnote ⁴¹ These scholarly perspectives collectively argue against viewing scientific practices as detached from the cultural contexts that shape their credibility and legitimacy.Footnote ⁴² Within the context of Pema Rito, the engagement of Tibetan environmentalists with Western science exemplifies these broader themes. Their interaction with Western scientific discourses, which is aimed at achieving legibility, concurrently contests scientific logics to develop their own methodologies for ecological research, particularly in instances where Western science is deemed insufficient for specific contexts.

During my initial visit to Pema Rito in the summer of 2018, Jamyang contemplated ways to conduct a blue sheep population study.Footnote ⁴³ Most of the people I spoke to at that time asserted that there were hundreds or possibly thousands of blue sheep in Pema Rito, but no one knew the precise number. According to Jamyang, blue sheep conservation efforts over the past decade had been effective, resulting in a significant increase in the population. To conserve the blue sheep, PRWCA members regularly patrol the Pema Rito landscape to monitor the population and prevent poaching. During their patrols and also while herding yaks, they remove any traps set for wildlife. Additionally, they provide grass and fodder to blue sheep during snowstorms to save those on the brink of starvation and freezing. The rescue operation for blue sheep during snowstorms became a source of tension and conflict between Tibetan environmentalists and ecological scientists. Jamyang recounted an instance when a US ecologist suggested to him that snowstorms are “a natural process of creating balance in the ecosystem.” Disagreeing with this view of the ecosystem, Jamyang emphasized the importance of providing assistance to wildlife in need, under any circumstances. He argued, “one needs to have a good heart to help wildlife and others in order to maintain the natural order. Without a good heart, maintaining this order becomes challenging.”Footnote ⁴⁴ In essence, Jamyang believes that the ethics, empathy and actions involved in rescuing wildlife under any conditions surpass scientific or ecosystem-based perspectives. Ultimately, although they adopt scientific terminologies, the Pema Rito conservationists perform actions that align with local cultural knowledge and ethics. Through this approach, they engage with scientific discourse and logic primarily to gain recognition and legitimacy for their work, rather than as a yardstick by which to evaluate their conservation efforts.

The PRWCA intended to carry out a comprehensive population study to ascertain the exact numbers and locations of the blue sheep and to present the findings to the government and, if possible, funding agencies as evidence of the effectiveness of their conservation efforts. Kunga explained the rationale behind the study:

I drew on my past experience as a conservationist to share with Jamyang and other PRWCA members the process for training pastoralists in biodiversity monitoring. I explained that to undertake a similar study, they would need a group of individuals interested in the work and with basic literacy in Tibetan. They would then have to identify key observation points throughout Pema Rito and appoint monitors to record observations on a weekly or monthly basis. These individual monitors would need to document details such as the number and species of wildlife observed, the behaviour of the animals and weather conditions. Ideally, such a project would span at least a year, and I offered to help them analyse the data to estimate the blue sheep population accurately. The PRWCA, however, considered it impractical to run the monitoring for a year, and instead opted to modify the process and conduct the study on its own terms, completing it by December 2019.

Jinpa elaborated that the PRWCA had organized a meeting with most of its young pastoralist members to devise an efficient plan for monitoring the blue sheep population within a short period. Ultimately, they decided to complete the study in just one day. They dispatched at least one person to each valley and grazing area in the Pema Rito simultaneously, ensuring comprehensive coverage without any blind spots. This required the participation of over 30 people to cover all the major valleys and grazing lands where blue sheep were known to be present. On the predetermined day, at precisely two in the afternoon, all 30 participants began to count the blue sheep, armed with only binoculars, pens and observation forms. Remarkably, they completed the count within an hour, tallying more than 14,000 blue sheep, a population twice the total number of yaks in Pema Rito. Jinpa was proud of the area's abundant blue sheep population, attributing it to the PRWCA's efforts at encouraging local pastoralists to protect them. The group collected photos and videos of the population study, which were then used in public presentations in Pema Rito and urban cities in Qinghai and other regions of China. These presentations aimed to showcase the effectiveness and success of their wildlife conservation efforts. Jinpa hoped that these visual materials would become “evidence” of the positive work they do, emphasizing that local pastoralists are progressive and capable of coexisting harmoniously with wildlife.

Discourses of “progressive” (snon thon སྔོན་ཐོན) and “backward” (ljes lus རྗེས་ལུས) were prevalent in conversations with Pema Rito environmentalists. Their focus on these concepts arises from social narratives encountered through television programmes, social media or interactions with tourists and other visitors. Urban-centric perceptions of laziness and backwardness are often attributed to Tibetans, especially Tibetan pastoralists, owing to their perceived “illegible” lifestyle in the eyes of urban dwellers and outsiders.Footnote ⁴⁶ Consequently, Pema Rito environmentalists engage in the scientific discourses of wildlife conservation and research not only to protect endangered species but also to demonstrate to outsiders their progressiveness and capability in wildlife conservation.

Their efforts to counteract stigmatizing narratives about pastoralists are particularly relevant in the context of CEC and the central state's desire to create a new form of infrastructure.Footnote ⁴⁷ After decades of prioritizing economic development and built infrastructures at the expense of the environment, CEC has emerged as a national project focused on natural infrastructure.Footnote ⁴⁸ Within the state's ecological and developmental logic, urban areas are considered modern and civilized while rural areas are seen as backward and uncivilized.Footnote ⁴⁹ Thus, CEC embodies a state-centric vision of bringing civilization and progression to rural populations.Footnote ⁵⁰ In this context, Tibetan environmentalists in Pema Rito engage in the scientific discourses and logics of ecological conservation to become legible to the state and to counter stigmatizing narratives that label them as backward and uncivilized. When I suggested a “scientific method” for their blue sheep population study, they chose not to use it, preferring to use their own methods instead. However, in presenting their research to the broader conservation community in China, they framed their findings as “data” in alignment with scientific logic. For instance, when Jamyang and Jinpa presented the work of the PRWCA at conferences and workshops attended by ecologists, members of environmental NGOs and government officials, they showcased the blue sheep study and their research on flora and fauna, emphasizing their use of “scientific methods” recommended by external “experts,” while glossing over the actual methodologies they used. Their PowerPoint presentations showed images and videos of the PRWCA members engaged in research activities, filling out forms and entering data into computers. Additionally, they used maps and statistics from their study to elaborate on the specifics and their methodologies. To them, the essence of the scientific process is represented by maps, quantitative data and the digitalization of data, all of which they incorporate into their presentations and discussions with other conservationists and government officials. They presented their work using the framework of the modern, scientific, information infrastructure,Footnote ⁵¹ which is used to interpret and enhance the natural infrastructure.Footnote ⁵² This nuanced and strategic interaction with Western science reveals that the Pema Rito environmentalists do not regard science as the objective truth at the apex of the knowledge hierarchy. Instead, they leverage the social legibility and political legitimacy that Western science commands within current conservation policy discussions to further their own aspirations. In doing so, they carefully and tactically navigate Western ecological science, state policy discourse and traditional knowledge to craft a vision of life and the environment for pastoralists.

Preserving Knowledge

The loss of cultural diversity, including languages, traditions and indigenous knowledge systems, is a global problem with profound implications for ecological conservation.Footnote ⁵³ Scholars explore these issues from various perspectives. For example, Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing demonstrates how global capitalist interests and environmental movements generate new cultural forms and conflicts, illustrating the complex interplay between local traditions and global forces.Footnote ⁵⁴ James Ferguson stresses how urbanization and industrialization, often viewed as hallmarks of modernity, can lead to profound cultural and social dislocations, challenging communities to reinterpret their place in a changing world.Footnote ⁵⁵ Global capitalism, urbanization, industrialization and state-driven projects of civilization frequently displace marginalized communities,Footnote ⁵⁶ leading to the loss of languages and traditional knowledge.Footnote ⁵⁷ The extinction of every language is accompanied by the loss of unique worldviews and ecological knowledge, emphasizing the importance of preserving linguistic diversity as a countermeasure to cultural homogenization.Footnote ⁵⁸ Nevertheless, communities on the margins actively engage with and reinterpret global flows to navigate the challenges and opportunities presented by modernity.Footnote ⁵⁹ They exhibit agency and find innovative ways to negotiate their cultural identities amid loss and change.Footnote ⁶⁰

Similarly, in the Tibetan context, scholars have observed that communities on the margins navigate their identities and cultural traditions amid the forces of state-driven urbanization and mass tourism. Tenzin Jinba underscores the strategic use of marginality and hybridized identities as tactics for cultural preservation and negotiation with external forces.Footnote ⁶¹ Emily T. Yeh's analysis of the pelt-burning practices of Tibetan communities in 2006 sheds light on a blend of nationalism, environmentalism and resistance to the inequalities fostered by capitalist development, illustrating how traditional values and contemporary global issues intersect and inform each other.Footnote ⁶² Holly Gayley examines the reconfiguration of Buddhist virtues in contemporary Tibetan society, highlighting a collective endeavour towards ethical reform that simultaneously advocates for cultural preservation.Footnote ⁶³ Timothy Thurston's exploration of comedic dialogues in Tibetan regions reveals how humour serves as a medium through which questions of tradition, modernity and linguistic identity are negotiated, showcasing the creative avenues through which communities engage with the pressures of modernization.Footnote ⁶⁴ Collectively, these works emphasize the importance of viewing cultural preservation not merely as resistance to modernity and projects of legibility but as a dynamic process of engagement with changing sociopolitical and environmental landscapes. The strategic use of marginality, the reimagining of ethical frameworks, and the negotiation of linguistic identities all reflect the adaptive strategies employed by communities in the face of global and local transformations. In Pema Rito, Tibetan environmentalists actively engage in projects of cultural preservation, particularly those concerning knowledge and practices related to the local flora and fauna, as well as the histories and stories of the land, water and the human and non-human beings that inhabit them. They do so using scientific discourses and in the name of ecological research and conservation.

In the summer of 2018, I observed an ongoing construction project sited several hundred metres away from the Sharwo Monastery, adjacent to the Yellow River and across the dirt road from the PRWCA office. When I asked the Chinese labourers working on the project about its purpose, I was informed that it was going to be a museum (bowu guan 博物馆) and that it had been commissioned by the Sharwo Monastery. Subsequently, when I asked Jamyang about the purpose of the building, using the Tibetan term for museum (bshams stonk hang བཤམས་སྟོན་ཁང་།), he corrected me, stating that it was not going to be merely a museum, but rather the Pema Rito Institute of Ecology and Culture (pad ma ri mtho'i skye khams dang rig gnas gling པད་མ་རི་མཐོའི་སྐྱེ་ཁམས་དང་རིག་གནས་གླིང་།). According to Jamyang, “museums are for housing relics from vanishing cultures, but Tibetan culture is thriving, particularly in Pema Rito. We are not building a museum for people to see things. Instead, we are establishing an institute where pastoralist children, scientists and tourists can learn about the ecosystems and cultures of Pema Rito.”Footnote ⁶⁵

Jamyang disclosed that he had used his own funds and borrowed money from friends and banks to hire designers and construction crews to build the institute. He had two primary reasons for doing so. First, obtaining permission from the local authorities to construct an institute of cultural learning had proved challenging. By initiating the construction first and seeking permission later, the local government would be more likely to agree to it. Second, the total cost of the project was estimated to be approximately six million yuan. Jamyang intended to raise the funds for the project from potential donors and he believed that this would be easier if the institute was already under construction. Jamyang was determined to see the project through and expressed confidence in obtaining permission and raising sufficient funds to cover the expenses.

The PRWCA's plan was to house plant specimens and wildlife photos and videos in the institute. In addition, they asked me to contribute the stories about wildlife and Pema Rito landscapes that I had gathered to the exhibits. For Jamyang and the other PRWCA members, this institute would showcase the ecological research and conservation efforts they had dedicated themselves to for years. The aim was to present their work in a secular way that the state and the conservation community could comprehend, ensuring its recognition and legitimacy. However, the institute had another mission: to preserve traditional ecological knowledge and pastoralist cultures, thus serving as a vital learning platform for pastoralist children in Pema Rito. Jamyang explained the significance of creating an institute of ecology and culture: “while monasteries and schools play roles in education, monasteries focus on religious texts, and schools emphasize modern sciences, only in the Pema Rito Institute of Ecology and Culture can pastoralist children learn about their livelihood and pastoral cultures.”Footnote ⁶⁶ Dorje, another PRWCA member, further emphasized that their conservation practices and the establishment of the institute were integral to the cultural preservation of the pastoralists:

In contrast to Kunga's perception of “doing the work of science,” Dorje's words suggest that the focus of the flora and fauna studies is more on cultural preservation. He envisioned the Pema Rito Institute of Ecology and Culture as a platform for cultural preservation, with a mission of passing down traditional knowledge to future generations. In my conversations with the PRWCA members, they expressed the hope that the institute would not only showcase their ecological conservation work but also include materials that represented the daily lives of local pastoralists, such as models of yak-hair tents, the traditional abode of Tibetan pastoralists, which are gradually disappearing as people move into wooden and adobe houses. One of my interlocutors referred to a traditional Tibetan proverb to illustrate the loss of traditional pastoralism and criticized young pastoralists for their lack of interest in preserving their cultural heritage:

The PRWCA members and local pastoralists I spoke to hoped that the Pema Rito Institute of Ecology and Culture would serve as a venue where traditional pastoralist culture, including the art of making yak-hair tents and yak-herding practices, and traditional stories about the local landscape, wildlife and people, would be passed from the elders to the younger generations.

Tibetan environmentalists in Pema Rito actively integrate ecological science into their conservation efforts not only as a response to the pressures of modernization but also as a deliberate act of cultural and ecological preservation. The establishment of the Pema Rito Institute of Ecology and Culture exemplifies this approach. By creating a space where pastoralist children, scientists and tourists can learn about local ecosystems and cultures, the institute aims to safeguard traditional ecological knowledge and practices related to flora, fauna and the land. This initiative directly challenges stigmatizing narratives that portray Tibetan pastoralists as backward, positioning them instead as forward-thinking conservationists who blend traditional insights with scientific methodologies. The efforts of Tibetan environmentalists, as seen through the lens of the institute's establishment and their broader conservation practices, showcase a profound sense of agency. They strategically navigate the sociopolitical landscape to maintain their cultural identity and traditional knowledge while gaining legitimacy and recognition from both the state and the global conservation community. Through their work, Tibetan environmentalists demonstrate that cultural preservation and ecological conservation are not mutually exclusive but are interdependent efforts that reinforce each other in the struggle to navigate and adapt to the challenges of a rapidly changing world.