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The Break-Up of the Czechoslovak Coalition, 1947–8*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 November 2014
Extract
For one year after liberation in 1945, Czechoslovakia seemed to offer a picture of relative harmony between the political forces of democracy and communism personified by Eduard Beneš, the President, and Klement Gottwald, deputy Prime Minister, and leader of the Communist party. The themes of continuity and revolution, introduced during the wartime struggle for national liberation and developed for one post-war year in apparent concord, were soon to break off in open disharmony. Profound divergences appeared within the National Front of the six political parties concerning the course to be followed in future. On the Communist side there was a wish to complete a revolution that remained, in their view, unfinished. On the non-Communist side, there was a desire to end the course of drastic change and to establish order and legal stability on the Western pattern. These differences were for some time hidden by, or at least subordinated to, the unity symbolized by the National Front. By late 1947 what amounted to a deadlock had resulted, and prospects of continuing co-operation of Communists and non-Communists were slight. The climax in February, 1948, to be correctly appreciated, must be placed in the context of this deep and protracted crisis.
The first year of the liberated republic was one of reconstruction and revolution. The legal order was restored, with substantial new elements incorporated. The main organs of government were reconstituted, sometimes in greatly changed form. The punishment of war criminals, and the purification of Czech and Slovak life of “fascist elements,” were begun, through special “people's tribunals.” The property confiscated from German and Czech “traitors” was placed under “national administration.” Extensive nationalization of industry was begun, and a system of planning was prepared.
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- Articles
- Information
- Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science/Revue canadienne de economiques et science politique , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , November 1960 , pp. 396 - 412
- Copyright
- Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1960
Footnotes
The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance afforded by a Senior Fellowship at the Russian Institute, Columbia University, New York, in the preparation of this article.
References
1 For fuller discussion, see the author's “Revolution and Continuity in Czechoslovakia, 1945–1946,” to be published in a forthcoming number of the Journal of Central European Affairs.
2 See the author's “The Prague Overturn in 1948” in Canadian Slavonic Papers, IV (Toronto, 1960), for the events of February, 1948.Google Scholar
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14 The Czechoslovak Agrarian party, and other smaller parties, were, under the Košice programme, to be prohibited. The National Front included the Communist party of Czechoslovakia (C.P.C.), the separate Communist party of Slovakia, the Czechoslovak National Socialist party, the Czechoslovak Social Democratic party, the Czechoslovak People's, or Populist, party, and the Slovak Democratic party. Under the presidency of Eduard Beneš, the six parties were represented on a basis of parity in the first post-war government headed by Fierlinger.
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48 The same theme was developed by Slánský in his report to the founding conference of the Cominform in Poland in Sept., 1947 (For a Lasting Peace, Dec. 1, 1947).
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56 See Ripka, , Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 54, 58–62 Google Scholar; Majer, “Czechoslovakia,” 89–90; Laušman, , Kdo byl vinen? 46–7.Google Scholar The conversation with Stalin has been variously reported. The Czech delegation, consisting of Gottwald, Masaryk and Drtina (the latter in place of Ripka, who was ill), had gone to Moscow to discuss other matters, including a trade treaty and the proposed French-Czechoslovak treaty of alliance, and was not, as sometimes stated, summoned to Moscow in connection with the decision on the Marshall Plan. The account given by Ripka of the conversation, taken from a transcript (Czechoslovakia Enslaved, 66–70, 91–2), does not coincide with another version, claimed to have been prepared immediately after the talk, by Arnost Heidrich, the secretary-general of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and published by Alsop, S., “Stalin's Plans for the U.S.A.,” Saturday Evening Post, vol. 224, no. 2, 07 14, 1951, 17 ff.Google Scholar A text of Heidrich's report to the U.S. State Department is given by Schmidt, Dana Adams, Anatomy of a Satellite (Boston, 1952), 101.Google Scholar The versions agree in ascribing to Stalin the statement that the Czech alliance with Soviet Russia was at stake, but differ substantially in describing his explanation of the Soviet view.
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61 In an alleged “last message,” President Beneš referred to a supposed threat by Gottwald that the Red Army would march if his demands were not fulfilled. See Friedman, , The Break-up of Czech Democracy, 124–7.Google Scholar Papánek reports a conference in early February in Štrbské Pleso in the Tatra Mountains, between Gottwald and his staff and a Russian military delegation, to make arrangements for the coup and for eventual military intervention.
62 This theme is developed at length by Ducháček in The Strategy of Communist Infiltrations. Gottwald, in explaining the reasons for victory in 1948 and defeat in 1920, spoke of the absence of “visible support” from the Soviet Union in 1920, and the complete change in “the international balance of power” by 1948. See speech of Nov. 17, 1948, in Klement Gottwald, II, 263–5.Google Scholar
63 Cf. Pravda, Feb. 21, 1948; Izvestia, Feb. 21, 1948.
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